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Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
LOVE AND RAGE
Revolutionary Anarachist Newspaper
Electronic Edition
Volume 4, Number 3
June/July, 1993
Part 1 of 3
This Issue's Highlights:
TOP STORIES:
RAF Strikes: German Prison Bombed
Inside the Ohio Prison Revolt
Anarchists Join Queer March on Washing
Western Shoshone Resist
A History of Squatting in Kenya
UPS: Taking Down Big Brown
Interview with The Goats
Tap Into Electronic Media
Wage Slave Rage
Killing the Planet
SCENE REPORTS
NOTES OF REVOLT
ABC PAGE
Spanish Political Prisoners Tortured; other political prisoner news
INTERNATIONAL:
Fire Thieves: New Anarchist Magazine in Turkey
East Timor: The Resistance Continues
Update: Awareness League in Nigeria
Anarchy in Japan
A Good Year for the Kurdish Resistance
SPECIAL SECTION:
Strategy: Moving Towards Revolution
The Love and Rage Annual Conference, San Diego, July 7-11
Calendar: Upcoming Events
..................................................................
Love and Rage Network
Love and Rage is created by the Love and Rage Network, a group of
people from across North America who find themselves in general
political agreement. Love and Rage is one of the many projects of
the Network to which supporters contribute time, money and energy.
Major decisions and overall policies are set by the Network.
Individuals and supporting groups who participate in the Network
gather in an annual conference, at which most major decisions are
made. The Network Council, comprised of up to two delegates from
each supporting group, meet at least once between conferences to
make interim decisions. A popularly elected Coordinating Group
makes urgent decisions. Ongoing debates take place in our
Discussion Bulletin (Disco Bull), out every six to eight weeks.
More timely information goes out bi-weekly in the Network
Bulletin. Day to day editorial decisions about the paper are made
by the volunteer Production Group (PG). A group of elected
Coordinators shares responsibility for the general work of the
Network. Two of these Coordinators, the Co-Facilitators, work with
the PG on production of the paper and help coordinate the projects
of the Network. In an effort to further democratize and strengthen
the Network, temporary Regional Organizing Contacts volunteer to
be a contact for their local areas.
The Love and Rage Network is not a closed circle of friends. You
can become part of the Network and participate fully in the
decisionmaking process. Ask the person who sold or gave you this
paper, or write to one of the many Love and Rage contacts listed
in this paper.
Coordinating Group:
Erric, Atlanta, GA
Liz, Boston, MA
Paul, Berkeley, CA
Ana, Mexico City
Terry, New York, NY
Crystal, Chicago, IL
Jodi, Columbus, OH
Jean-Marc, Minneapolis, MN
Fur, Atlanta GA
Gene, Newark, NJ
Ojore Lutalo, Trenton, NJ
Coordinators List
Regions Coordinator: Britt, 702 S. Illinois Ave. Apt. 115
Carbondale, IL 62901
Network Coordinator: Shannon, c/o Love and Rage
Interorganizational Coordinator:
Phillip, 27 School Street, Sommerville, MA 02143
International Coordinator: Todd, c/o Love and Rage
Finance Coordinator: Matt, c/o Love and Rage
Fundraising Coordinator: Rick, c/o Love and Rage
Info-Share Coordinator: Jodi, c/o AA, PO Box 10007 Columbus OH 43201
Discussion Bulletin Coordinators:
Jean-Marc and Nikolas, PO Box 581354, Minneapolis, MN 55458-1354
Co-Facilitators: Dema Crassy and Ms. Tommy Lawless, c/o Love and Rage
We need more PG volunteers and translators. If you plan to be in
New York and would like to work on the paper, of if you d like
to translate material from the comfort of your home, please
call.
Production Group: Gene, Bob*, Matt L, Rick, Sara, Matt B*,
Shannon*, Auntie Todd, Tommy, Dema, Greg, Beth, Bruce
[PG Members who didn t work on this issue are marked with an *]
Translators: Eugenio, Ti'a Todd, Ana*, Gustavo*, Pablo
Love and Rage is printed on recycled paper, using soy-based
inks. Love and Rage is printed by a union printer. ISSN #
1065-2000. When we don t have the money to produce our regular
twenty page full-size edition, we produce an eight page
"Broadsheet" edition. If you re having trouble getting the
paper, please call.
[The electronic version is not printed on recylced ink using union
printers. sorry. It is printed on 100% recycled electrons,
however.]
Boring Disclaimer
Hey gnarly people. All the groovy and not so groovy stuff printed
in Love and Rage does not necessarily represent the opinions or
views of the Love and Rage Network or of any person involved
therein. We print a dazzling array of articles for a plethora of
reasons. Sometimes we print articles we don t agree with, because
we believe that they are interesting or provocative. Just in case
you were wondering.
Editorial Policy
We encourage you to submit material for publication. Shorter
articles are more likely to be printed; 1750 words, a full
newspaper page, is a long article. Submissions may be edited.
Please include a phone number and address so the PG can consult
you on edits. Articles not printed may be sent to our internal
bulletins. All letters will be considered for publication unless
requested otherwise. Letters will not be edited. Submission
deadline for the next issue: July 15.
Love And Rage
PO Box 3
Prince Street Station
New York, NY 10012 (212) 460-8390
E-mail: loveandrage@igc.org
YO: New Phone Number (that works): 212 460 8390
Fax, data, too if you call voice first.
..................................................................
About Our Politics
Love and Rage is a bi-monthly anarchist newspaper intended to
foster revolutionary anti-authoritarian activism in North America
and build a more effective anarchist movement. We will provide
coverage of social struggles, world events, anarchist actions and
cultures of resistance. We will support the struggles of oppressed
peoples around the world for control over their own lives. Anarchy
offers the broadest possible critique of domination, making
possible a framework for unity in all struggles for liberation. We
seek to understand the systems we live under for ourselves and
reject any prepackaged ideology. Anarchism is a living body of
theory and practice connected directly to the lived experiences of
oppressed people fighting for their own liberation. We anticipate
the radical and ongoing revision of our ideas as a necessary part
of any revolutionary process.
A hefty set of working papers, encompassing the current debate
about our Political Statement, is available for $5 from the Info-
Share project. [See Coordinators List on this page.] For more
information about these and other internal debates, subscribe to
our Discussion Bulletin and Network Bulletin.
Need Help? If you'd like someone from the Network to come speak
or help organize in your area, just let us know and we ll try to
send someone! There are plenty of experienced people in Love and
Rage who want to help out. If you are one of those people who d
like to travel and speak and organize, please call us right away.
Groups Near You
The Love and Rage Network is made up of autonomous groups and
individuals from around North America. Supporting Groups make a
commitment as a group to support the network financially, and by
writing for and distributing Love and Rage in their area. If you
would like to join, please write us.
ARM THE SPIRIT
PO BOX 57584 JACKSON STATION
HAMILTON, ONT L8P 4X3
AUTONOMOUS GREEN ACTION
PO BOX 4721 STATION E
OTTAWA, ONT K1S 5H9
TEMPORARY AUTONOMOUS ZONE
PO BOX 122, 1895 COMMERCIAL DRIVE
VANCOUVER, BC V5N 4A6
VALID/EARTH LIBERATION FRONT
A-5 1720 DOUGLAS STREET
VICTORIA, BC V8W 2G7
ANARCHIST ACTION NETWORK
SUITE 147, 3325 LORNA RD #2
PO BOX 360999 BIRMINGHAM, AL 35236
THE GERMINAL
UCSD STUDENT CO- OP CENTER B-0323-Z
LA JOLLA, CA 92093
SAN DIEGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION
PO BOX 0907
SAN DIEGO, CA 92112-0907
UNITED ANARCHIST FRONT
PO BOX 1115 WHITTIER,CA 90609
ERISIAN LIBERATION FRONT
C/O PO BOX 263
COLORADO SPRINGS, CO 80901
LOVE AND RAGE SUPPORTERS
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REVOLUTIONARY GROUP X
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CHICAGO, IL 60680
EARTH CORE
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BALTIMORE, MD 21206
AWOL
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MINNEAPOLIS, MN 55407
LOVE AND RAGE SUPPORTERS
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PROFANE EXISTENCE
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PATERSON ANARCHIST COLLECTIVE
PO BOX 8532
HALEDON, NJ 07508-8532
AUTONOMOUS ANARCHIST ACTION
PO BOX 3 PRINCE ST STATION
NEW YORK, NY 10012
ANARCHIST YOUTH FEDERATION/NYC
PO BOX 365
NEW YORK, NY 10013-0365
BLACK STAR COLLECTIVE
PO BOX 3 PRINCE ST STATION
NEW YORK, NY 10012
AUTONOMOUS @ COLLECTIVE
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COLUMBUS, OH 43201
LIBERATE THE OBSESSED
PO BOX 1916
RAPID CITY, SD 57709-1916
AMOR Y RABIA
APDO 11-351, CP 06101
MEXICO, DF
EDICIONES ANTORCHA
APDO 12-818, CP 03020
MEXICO, DF
INTERNATIONAL AFFILIATES
GRUPO IMPULSO AUTOGESTIONARIO
C.SOLERO CC 984, 2000 ROSARIO, ARGENTINA
GRUPO ACCION LIBERTARIA
C/O EDUARDO TORRESLOS SAUCES 426, LOMAS COLORADAS
CONCEPCION,CHILE
RED @ DE ESTUDIANTES C/O JOSE EGO, PIRAMIDE 337 SAN
JOAQUIN, SANTIAGO, CHILE
More Contacts:
All of the addresses on this page are contacts for the Love and
Rage Network. Here are some more. Let us know if you want to be a
contact.
New England: Liz 520 Beacon #1B Boston, MA 02215
South: John c/o Justice Alliance PO Box 281 Chattanooga, TN 37401
Midwest: Crystal c/o WCF PO Box 81961 Chicago, IL 60681
West Coast: Paul D. 2339 Durrant Ave Berkeley, CA 94704
Pacific Northwest: Rosebud Commons, 1951 W. Burnside
PO Box 1928 Portland, OR 9720
-30-
Where s AYF?
If you've read Love and Rage before, you might notice that this
issue has no Anarchist Youth Federation page. AYF is currently
trying to develop a more-collective way to produce the page. As
soon as they come up with a process they re happy with, we ll
start running the page again. For more info write to:AYF
Discussion Bulletin, PO Box 365, New York, NY 10013
Corrections
In Vol 4, No 1, we ran a story on Gerrado C. Ferre, "Jailed for
Burning a Flag." Ferre is no longer in jail, and apparently had
been out for some time before we ran the story.
In Vol 4, No 2: The group Neither East Nor West was credited for
organizing a pro- choice picket. The credit should have gone to
the Network of East- West Women. The San Diego @ Community Center
s address was listed with the wrong zip. The correct address is
915 E Street, San Diego, CA 92101.
@ Zines, Distros & Community Centers
This is a short list of some other anarchist resources. There are
so many fabulous resources to cover, we rotate the list each
issue. Please send us new contacts.
zines
ALPHABET THREAT, 3018 J Street #140, Sacramento, CA 95816. a
(roughly) bi-monthly, wimmin-centered newspaper, articles on youth
lib, sexuality, vegan lifestyle, revolt, and other fun stuff
(free-$1/issue)
ANTI COPYRIGHT ANARCHY ART, PO Box 666, Oxford, OH 45056. This
photocopied kickin collection is available for only $1.50
BLACK FIST, 15110 Bellaire, Box 317, Houston, TX 77083. This
bi-monthly @ zine serves up a hefty helping of material by and
about people of color; interviews, opinion pieces, info, poetry,
hot photos and illustrations; pro-feminist ($6/year)
FREE SOCIETY, PO Box 7293, Minneapolis, MN 55407. A quarterly
eco-anarchist newsprint zine filled with thoughful analysis and
lots of letters, put out by a crew of former Youth Greens
($2/issue)
H.A.G., c/o 1720 Douglas St., Victoria, BC V8W 2G7. A powerful,
fun anarcha-feminist zine about revolt and healing, with polemics,
personal accounts, recipies, poetry, comics, eco-vegan-animal lib
focus ($2/issue)
MEDIA BLITZ, PO Box 20420, New York, NY 10011. An anti-pop
culture @ magazine, "class war for the information age" ($2/issue)
PLAIN WORDS, PO Box 8532, Haledon, NJ 07508. New Jersy focused
anarchist news with class war flavor, also covers youth revolt,
COPWATCH, ABC, Black liberation, and global news, published
irregularly. (50 cents and a stamp/issue)
RED BALLOON, c/o 2653 Cropsy Ave #7H, Brooklyn, NY 11214. A more
or less yearly zine featuring broad analyses of world situations,
strategy for the left, personal accounts, and poetry, with a
zen-marxist slant ($4/issue)
distros
COLLECTIVE CHAOS, PO Box 81961, Chicago, IL 60681.
RIGHT TO EXISTANCE, 285 Preakness Ave, Paterson, NJ 07502.
community centers
THE EPICENTER ZONE, 475 Valencia, San Francisco, CA 94103.
(415) 431-2725
SAN DIEGO s, 915 E StreetSan Diego, CA 92101. (619) 239-8722
THE TOOLS COLLECTIVE, 107 Brighton Ave, Boston, MA 02134.
DETROIT s, 404 Willis Detroit, MI 48201.
THE EMMA COMMUNITY CENTER, 3451 Bloomington Ave S, Minneapolis, MN
55407. (612) 729-5498
ABC NO RIO, 156 Rivington St., New York, NY (212) 254-3697.
ROSEBUD COMMONS RESOURCE COLLECTIVE, 1951 W Burnside, Box 1928,
Portland,OR 97209. (503) 796-8100
THE @ SPACE, 4722 Baltimore Ave, Philadelphia, PA 19143.
(215) 724-1469
CATAL HUYUK, 2524 McKinney, Houston, TX 77003.
hotlines
CHICAGO: (312) 455-0707
MINNEAPOLIS: (612) 729-5498
..................................................................
BE A PART OF THE LOVE AND RAGE NETWORK
Don t Miss The Groovy Vibes of ...
The Love and Rage Annual Conference
San Diego, California
July 7 - July 11 (Wed. - Sun.)
Possible Workshops On: Anarchism in Peru and Mexico,
Anti-Racist/Anti-Fascist Organizing, ABC Prisoner Support Network,
Computers and Electronic Media, Squatting, Anarcha-Feminism,
Regional and Community Organizing, Queer Issues, Black Nationalism
and Black Liberation, Non-monogamy, Free Trade Agreement & MORE!
Host a workshop yourself. Take part in discussions and decisions
that will shape the future of The Love and Rage Network. Partake
of Live Bands, (possibly) An Action, Fun and Strategy in the Sun!
Register Ahead of Time!
Name/Group________________________________________________
Address_________________________________
City ____________________________
State/Prov_____________________
Zip/PostCd________ Phone________________________
How many will attend___________We need housing for_______
We will arrive on________________depart on_________
We need childcare for Ages_____________
Special needs__________________________________________
We will host workshops on______________________________________
Please send $5 per person with your registration to:San Diego @
Federation, c/o 915 E Street, San Diego, CA 92101 To get involved,
call Darren or John at (619) 239-8722
Subscribe to and Distribute Love and Rage
Name _____________________________
Address___________________________
City______________________________
State/Province____________________
Zip/Postal Code___________________
Phone ( )_______________
One Year Subscription (6 issues): $13 Fast Mail & International
Mail; $9 Slow Mail
Free to GIs, PWAs, and Prisoners
One Year Subscription to Love and Rage Network Internal
Publications (bimonthly Discussion Bulletin and biweekly Network
Bulletin): $20 - $50 (sliding scale)
I would like to distribute ________ copies of each issue of Love
and Rage. Please send a sample bundle.
I would like to make a donation of $________
I would like to support the Love and Rage Network with a monthly
pledge of $________.
I would like information on how to become a Supporting Group of
the Love and Rage Network. Name of group:
Send check or money order to: Love and Rage, PO Box 3, Prince St
Station New York, NY 10012
Write for Love and Rage
We want you ... to send us your insiders views, news blurbs,
articles, photos and illustrations for us to print. We want your
top secret cultural information - book, film, music reviews and
more - as well as more reports on positive community projects.
Wimmin, people of color, young people and people in regions we don
t hear from much are especially wanted to contribute. We are
gathering reports and information for an issue focusing on
anarcha-feminism: actions, wimmin s health issues, eco-feminism,
critiques of feminist theory, personal accounts, and more. Next
deadline is July 15.
Volunteers for the production group are also needed. Give us a
call at (212) 460-8390.
Subscribe to and Distribute Amor y Rabia/Mexico
$18 Subscription _____
Send a sample bundle of__________(donation enclosed)
Name ___________________________________
Address_________________________________
City____________________________________
State/Province _________________________
Zip/Postal Code__________ Phone ( )____________
Send check or money order to:
Amor y Rabia/Mexico
Apdo 11-351, CP 06101
Mexico DF, Mexico
Disco! Discuss!
If you want to to shake your booty to the daring debates of the
Love and Rage Network and burn down the house with the hottest
news, have we got two publications for you: the bimonthly Disco
Bull and the bi-weekly Network Bull. People who pledge monthly
automatically receive both Bulls and the paper. People who don t
pledge, but want to receive the bulls, are asked to pay a yearly
fee of $20$50. Simply check the desired box on the subscription
form.
Send disco debates and burning news of your own to:
Disco Bull, PO Box 581354, Minneapolis, MN 55458-1354
Network Bull, PO Box 3, New York, NY 10012
Share the Wealth... of information!
Send pamphlets, articles, and resource lists you d
like to pass on to the Info-Share Project.
Anarchafeminist reading material is especially wanted. Send your
distribution/mailorder catalogs as well.
A hefty set of working papers encompassing the current debate
about our Political Statement is available for $5. Ask us about
the literature and study materials we now have available.
Write to:Info-Share, c/o PO Box 10007, Columbus, OH 43201
..................................................................
Top Stories:
GERMAN PRISON BOMBED, RAF STRIKES
By Sara Bell and Todd Prane
WEITERSTADT, GERMANY -- On Sat, March 27, at approximately 5am,
the Commando Katharina Hammerschmidt of the Red Army Fraction
(RAF) destroyed the high-tech prison in Weiterstadt, Germany with
200 kg of explosives. The bombing caused an estimated 100 million
DM in damage (over $60 million) and is expected to set the prison
opening, originally scheduled for early May, back by four years.
The prison was to employ the latest technology and was called "an
example of modern and humane imprisonment in Germany" by the
Minister of Justice, Christine Hohmann-Dennhardt.
The explosion destroyed the administration building and four
"residential" buildings. The action was carefully planned and
executed. The commando took great pains to insure that the prison
personnel were not injured. At approximately 1:30am the commando
captured the 11 guards and left them, bound and gagged, in a van
in a nearby field. Before setting off the explosives, they
searched the buildings and put up warning signs on the outside
walls of the prison (a fact not mentioned by the BAW, the Federal
Prosecutor's Office), which usually likes to parade out every
piece of evidence they have).
This prison was to be a model for new high-tech prisons. In
these prisons, a few of which are already in existence, the
prisoners are organized into so-called "living groups" of 10 to
20 prisoners. They live in solitary cells and share a common
room and a small kitchen. These "living groups" are put together
by social workers and psychotherapists according to the
prisoners' relative levels of adaptation or resistance to the
values of their captors. The groups are designed to build
competition between the prisoners and undermine solidarity.
Through "work therapy" (ie forced labor) and other psychological
measures, the prisoners are forced to adapt to the social values
that are set by the personnel. Their behavior continually
determines their status within the prison hierarchy -- from most
conforming to non-adapting.
The prisoners' activities are constantly monitored. The
cells and common rooms contain video monitors and in the common
rooms there are two-way mirrors. Even when they are allowed to
briefly leave these areas they are carefully watched -- they
are transported through third floor passages which also contain
cameras.
The capacity of the prison was to be 500 prisoners. Included in
this were to be a high security wing for women prisoners and a
deportation prison.
The Commando Katharina Hammerschmidt was named for a RAF
supporter and close friend of Ulrike Meinhof. Hammerschmidt had
served three years and died in prison in 1973. She had a breast
tumor and died due to medical neglect.
This action came as a surprise to many because the RAF had
announced that they were going to halt the escalation of the war
with the state from their side. In April of 1992 a RAF
communique was released which discussed the need to rethink
their goals and strategies and to concentrate on negotiating the
release of their imprisoned comrades (see Love and Rage Vol 3 No
6). At that time, the then Minister of Justice, Kinkel, had
indicated a willingness to release some of the more seriously
ill prisoners. But since that time, only a few have been
released, and others have faced further harassment.
The RAF had come to see that they were disconnected from the
people who they were supposed to be fighting for. In response to
this and the very different political situation in which the RAF
found themselves, they called for a broad discussion between
various parts of the left about strategy and for the building of
a counter-power from below--a mass movement out of which a
revolution could arise. They questioned the role of armed
struggle in the left and whether it accomplished anything when
it did not come out of a broad base of support. "Either our side
will develop a base-movement from below, which is directed by
solidarity and justice, and by the struggle against this cold
society and against poverty and a lack of perspective or the
explosive contradictions will remain destructive and the
violence will escalate, each person against the other."
In the April 1992 communique and a discussion paper released in
a Aug 1992, the RAF indicated that the cessation of attacks was
conditional. If the state did not allow room for necessary
discussion and release the RAF prisoners, the RAF would
retaliate. With this action they have followed through with this
threat and have shown that they will not allow the state to take
advantage of their new position.
In the latest communique, the RAF write very clearly that this
action does not represent a new strategy (or a resumption of an
old one), but rather an interim measure. The communique begins:
"Nothing has changed since the step we took in our history, a
step which we needed and wanted to take. We are busy with a new
process in which a social counter-power from below can develop,
and from which can come new proposals for revolutionary process
and change [...] Only out of this process can the questions
regarding what forms of struggle and concrete organizing are
necessary be answered. For us, this process, now as before, has
the highest priority."
Further on in the communique, the RAF explain the context of the
action in relation to the stated desire, in earlier communiques,
to engage in broader participation, as well as the escalation
against political prisoners: "We have often been criticized
because in our communique last April we linked our decision to
halt our actions to the situation of the prisoners, particularly
to the state's destructive stance. We have always maintained
that the step in our history which we took was grounded in the
necessity of developing new foundations, and we stated that this
necessity was independent of the state's conduct. But from the
beginning it was unclear how the state would react to the
decrease in pressure from our side, and that's why we left the
option open of intervening, if necessary, in order to place
limits on the state's conduct. In Aug '92 we wrote: 'We will
then decide on armed intervention as a moment of pushing back
and not as a further strategy. We won't simply be made to revert
to our old ways. This escalation is not in our interest. But the
state has to realize that when it leaves no other option, we
have the means, the experience, and the determination to make
them take responsibility.'"
The RAF go on to write, "After we removed the pressure from our
side, the state once again decided on an escalation against the
prisoners -- the prosecution against Christian Klar and the new
wave of trials will put people away for their entire lives; the
decision not to release Bernd Roesser early; and the refusal of
prisoners based on the offer of release after submission to
psychiatric tests, whereby they would be forced to claim that
their struggle, their initiatives, their entire opposition, was
simple 'insanity'." The construction of the prison in
Weiterstadt was to add to the capacity of the German penal
system, allowing a larger portion of the population to be
imprisoned. The new prison was also used as an excuse to
indefinitely delay the repair or closing of prisons such as
Frankfurt-Preungsheim, which have been the subject of human
rights demands by prisoners on an ongoing basis.
The RAF state that the Weiterstadt prison was targeted because
they wanted to counter the offensive actions the state had taken
against RAF prisoners. It was not meant as a renewal of their
old tactics and methods.
There are several questions raised by this action. Although the
RAF state that this action is separate from the ongoing process
of integration into broader political movements, this action did
not take place in a vacuum, and it needs to be put into context.
What is the effect of this action on the RAF's search for new
direction and process?
The RAF's decision to bomb a prison can be seen in several ways.
In some ways it appears to be a change in tactics both because
it is a different kind of action from the kidnappings and
assassinations that the RAF are famous for, and because bombing
a building is more acceptable to a larger portion of the left
than assassinations.
The RAF claim that this action stands separate from their search
for a new strategy, but it occurs within the context of their
history and of a larger movement that they are trying to relate
to. This action is similar to past actions in that it doesn't
seem to arise out of a broader discussion. It is also an action
which is focused on political prisoners, many of the most famous
of whom are members of the RAF. The RAF admit that this action
does not directly affect the movements that they claim affinity
with. As the first major RAF action in a long time, however,
this draws attention to their discussions and highlights how
their actions measure up to the standards they have set for
themselves.
In spite of the problems that these questions raise, it is
certainly true that one less prison is always a step in the
right direction.
For the full text of the communique, the April '92 communique or
the Aug '92 discussion paper write to us at Love and Rage or
write to:Arm the Spiritc/o Wild Seed PressPO Box 57584, Jackson
StationHamilton, ONT L8P 4X3 CANADA
The ananlysis in this article is the authors' perspective and
should not be attributed to ATS.
-30-
INSIDE THE OHIO PRISON REVOLT
By A Comrade Inside
Following is a first-hand account of the Lucasville Uprising, sent
to Love and Rage as a letter for print.
Lucasville, Ohio --
Revolutionary Greetings. On behalf of the 1855 prisoners, I am
directing this letter to Love and Rage concerning the Lucasville
Uprising on Easter Sunday at the Southern Ohio Correctional
Facility (SOCF).
In regards to the overthrow of SOCF on April 11 -- SOCF warden
Arthur Tate planned to lock the prison down from April 12
through April 15 to administer, by force, shots to determine
whether the 160 plus prisoners who refused such, have
tuberculosis (TB). We refused the TB "skin test" based on
various reasons, such as the nurses were not accompanied by
physicians nor did they wear gloves; the TB skin test was
another operation to reduce the prison population; and because
reasonable minds dictate that if the guy you are celling with
for four years took the test and came up negative, then it's
only logical that you wouldn't have TB since he doesn't have it.
Yet, before SOCF could implement this plan [lockdown], a riot
broke out on Easter Sunday, resulting in hostages being taken.
(One guard locked himself in a passageway of which prisoners
tore the wall down to get him.) One guard was hung by his
ankles, tortured, then hung by his neck until dead. At least
nine prisoners died. The eight cellblocks in the L-Wing of SOCF,
which was under full prisoner control, were destroyed. Toilets,
sinks, doors, windows, electrical wiring and control consoles
were smashed, ripped apart and gutted.
Prisoncrat files on prisoners were burned while their offices
were destroyed. Prisoners in segregation firebombed their cell
blocks, destroyed cell light fixtures, while others assaulted
guards when they entered the ranges to put the fires out. Five
hundred Ohio National Guard, SWAT teams, state and local police
were on the scene -- desperately wanting to rush the prisoners,
but didn't know what to expect once inside. A state police
helicopter crashed during the forth day of the riot.
Eventually, 21 demands were sent to the prisoncrat negotiators
who granted 15 of them, which resulted in prisoners surrendering
on April 23.
Only one population wing, K-Side, is functional. L-Side is to be
rebuilt and consist of total lockdown like K-Side presently is.
SOCF is to be an entire lockdown prison, with the exception of
one cellblock of prisoners who will prepare food, etc, for 1855
prisoners.
The Lucasville Uprising was a success, but to continue to keep
the ball in our court we need pressure put on SOCF. It's time
that the prison revolution strikes quickly and with triumph,
because we inside the walls know that America is experimenting
on prisons in order to subject you in society to the same
conditions.
On behalf of all Lucasville prisoners, I urgently ask you to
demand federal investigations to be conducted by Senator John
Glenn. We need immediate action and hope that the people at Love
and Rage will be forthcoming in support and get this important
message out to other anarchists in society.
I hope that fellow anarchists will write to Senator John Glenn,
United States Senate, Washington, DC 20510-3501, and demand that
he seek to have the Civil Rights Division of the United States
Department of Justice conduct a federal investigation concerning
racism, guard-on-prisoner brutality, death of prisoners at the
hands of guards, and inadequate medical treatment.
Also, anarchists in California could help expose the barbaric
treatment of prisoners at SOCF if they would contact the Oprah
and/or Geraldo talk shows and inform them that prisoners at SOCF
are asking for them. (Both of these shows have called SOCF
attempting to have guards appear on their shows -- no guard as
of yet has responded yet. I'm sure I can adequately explain 20
plus years of inhumane treatment.) In Solidarity.
[Some of the prisoner demands are known. These include: the
ousting of Warden Tate; more Black guards; better duties for
Black inmates; better food and medical care; the right to refuse
TB testing by injection; increased pay compensation; the freedom
to practice Islam; more recreational time; the right to receive
outside guests and make phone calls; and no retaliation against
the prisoners who rebelled. To our knowledge, the exact list of
demands had not been released to the media as of our press date.
We do not know which demands the prison officials agreed to meet.
A white prisoner, identified as "George," spoke on the radio
during the rebellion. He emphasized that Black and white
prisoners were united and "prepared to die" together.
Outrageously racist guard behavior is commonplace at SOCF, where
almost 60 percent of the prisoners are Black and over 90 percent
of the guards are caucasian. For months a sign was posted that
read, "Run, nigger, run. If you can't read, run anyway." On one
occasion, a guard ran through a cell block wearing a white
sheet. Four Black inmates were stabbed, in 1990, by members of
the Aryan Brotherhood. Another spokesprisoner, Abdul Samad
Mulin, appeared on television during the revolt. He said the
prison had a reputation of "killing innocent people, hang[ing]
them in J-Block, saying that they committed suicide." The prison
is located in a racist stronghold in the rural southern part of
the state.
A recent update to this report claims that 40 prisoners are now
"missing," unaccounted for.]
-30-
ANARCHISTS JOIN QUEER MARCH
By Liz Highleyman
WASHINGTON, DC -- Anarchists made a loud and visible showing at
the March on Washington for Lesbian, Gay and Bi Equal Rights and
Liberation on April 25. The anarchist contingent -- which had
been publicized beforehand in Love and Rage, several other
anarchist papers, and by electronic mail -- drew over 150 people.
At a meeting two days before the march, representatives from
several radical queer groups decided they wanted to break into
the march behind the military and veterans contingent. Our aim
was to demonstrate our opposition to militarism and the march's
emphasis on the issue of gay inclusion in the military.
Anarchists gathered Sunday morning at Lafayette Park and, wisely
as it turned out, decided to wait there to enter the march,
rather than attempt to join the mob at the official kick-off
point on the Ellipse.
With banners such as "Queer Without Fear," the anarchists lined
the roadside across from the White House as the beginning of the
march came by. When the military contingent appeared, there were
chants of "Make love, not war! Be all you can be! Mutiny!
Mutiny!" There onlookers and marchers were quite supportive,
with even some of the military marchers giving us the thumbs-up.
Soon the coalition of radical Queers appeared, including such
groups as Lesbians and Gays Against Intervention (LAGAI) -- with
their "We Prefer Our Queers Out of Uniform" banner, Queers in
Support of Political Prisoners (QUISP), and Revolting Lesbians.
The waiting anarchists joined the march along with this
unauthorized contingent. A small group of men with radical
faerie camouflage skirts and a "Veterans for Peace" banner
dropped back from the military contingent to march with us.
The black-clad anarchists presented a striking contrast to the
rainbow-clad crowd. At several points along the route, the
anarchist group pogo'd in the street, demanding Queer
liberation, and ran full speed ahead, much to the surprise and
delight of the spectators. (Finally something different!) Chants
included, "We're fucking anarchists, we'll fuck whoever we
want!," and "We're here, we're Queer, and we hate the
government!" The FBI, filming from their windows, and small
clutches of fundamentalists along the route received the finger
and were treated to same-sex displays of affection. One
participant ripped pages from a bible as he marched along. A
particularly popular contingent was the Red & Anarchist
Skinheads with their banner reading, "Anti-Racist Skinheads and
Punx Against Homophobia," and their chant of "Oi! Oi! Oi! We
fuck boys!"
The contingent arrived at the Mall early in the day, with plenty
of time to stake out a good spot in the shade. Unfortunately,
but quite expectedly, the rally was boring and mainstream,
featuring mostly assimilationist speakers. A welcome surprise
was Romanofsky and Phillips, a well-known Gay singing duo, who
did an anti-militarist takeoff on the army recruiting song. The
rest of the march seemed to continue on endlessly, with much
confusion about the route. The final contingents were still
straggling in as the rally drew to a close at about 6:00pm.
The anarchist contingent went very well, a tribute to flexible
planning. We had originally talked of marching with the street
activists contingent (number 59 in the lineup), which might not
have marched after all ... none of the people who looked for
them were able to locate them. Marching behind the military
contingent gave us a focus for our alternative
anti-authoritarian message. We would probably have been
swallowed up had we marched with the huge and highly
disorganized ACT UP contingent. (No one we asked knew where they
were gathering or marching, even on the morning of the march
itself.)
It was great to see such a sizeable anarchist/
anti-authoritarian presence at the march, and our contingent was
probably the most mixed in terms of variety of sexual
orientations. Gay, Lesbian, Bi, hetero or undefined, all the
anarchists were queer in their own way. It felt good to
emphasize oppositional politics as well as sexuality. While
there were several people clad in black-bloc attire and masks,
there was no havoc or destruction along the route. Our mere
presence as anarchists was enough to shock the mainstream Gay
and Lesbian viewers. Hopefully we made some people think!
-30-
WESTERN SHOSHONE RESIST
Compiled By Ms. Tommy Lawless
Western Shoshone Nation--The Western Shoshone are actively
patrolling a valley region in north central Nevada, the location
of the Dann Ranch, to protect their territory from ongoing raids
by the US Bureau of Land Management. Elder Clifford Dann is held
captive for his resistance. The Western Shoshone Defense Project
is seeking activists to join a non-violent defense force, to do
supply runs, to hold fund-raisers, and to engage in a media
blitz. The Spring Gathering at the Dann ranch, March 19-22, drew
over 150 people. Many stayed on to defend the ranch.
Last Nov 19, federal agents blocked roads around Crescent
Valley, Nevada and sent in armed agents to round up horses
belonging to the Western Shoshone nation. Members of American
Peace Test, who were driving to the Dann ranch, had a helicopter
land on the road in front of their car. With their weapons
ready, armed agents exited the helicopter and ordered everyone
out of the car.
The media was prevented from approaching the round-up site.
Armed agents blocked the roads and flew over the range in
helicopters. There were not enough people on the range
supporting the Western Shoshone and the Danns to perform any
kind of non-violent resistance.
According to Bureau of Land Management (BLM) officials, the raid
captured 269 horses, including 229 wild animals and 40 horses
that had been nationalized by the Western Shoshone National
Council. In court, BLM agent Joe Morris admitted that the round
up violated BLM's own regulations governing the Wild Horse and
Burro program.
Elder Clifford Dann was injured and arrested when he attempted
to stop BLM agents from removing the captured horses. Blocking
the road with his truck, Dann stood in the bed, doused himself
with gasoline, and announced that he would set himself on fire
if BLM agents did not release the horses. Dann declared, "By
taking away our livelihood and our lands you are taking away our
lives." Officers assaulted him with fire extinguishers and
wrestled him to the ground. A sheriff was recorded on tape
saying during the struggle, "Break his fucking arm if you have
to!"
On March 3, the jury convicted Dann on one count of assaulting a
federal officer. Throughout his trial Clifford Dann held his
ground, insisting that the US Federal Court has no jurisdiction
over him or any other Indigenous person or nation. He faces a
35-month minimum sentence on the charge. Dann will be held at
the Washoe County Detention Facility until his scheduled
sentencing on May 17. Appeals are expected to be filed
immediately.
No raids have occurred since November, due to successful defense
organizing. The Defense Project stresses the need for ongoing
support and patrols.The BLM alleges that the Dann family has
failed to obtain grazing permits and that the Dann-owned cattle
and horses have overgrazed the range. The Western Shoshone
maintain that they do not need permits since the 1863 Treaty of
Ruby Valley gives them jurisdiction over their land.
Starting in 1973, US agencies began to confront sisters Mary and
Carrie Dann, who graze cattle and horses on unused lands that
the US Government considers "public."
After over six years of court battles, of gains and losses, a
federal court ruled that the Western Shoshone did have title to
the land until 1979. In that year, the US Bureau of Indian
Affairs accepted a financial reward from the US Indian Claims
Commission on behalf of the Western Shoshone. This was against
the wishes of the Western Shoshone, and they refused the money.
The judge ruled that the compensation award had erased the
native title to the land. In effect, the US government paid
itself for land that had not been sold, stealing the homeland of
the Western Shoshone.
The Danns appealed the case to the Supreme Court which upheld,
in 1985, the lower court rulings against the Western Shoshone.
The Danns continue their struggle to prove that their land was
never sold or given to the US.
Among the Shoshone, Clifford Dann's conviction is viewed as an
ironic victory, in that it will force the US courts to deal with
indigenous sovereignty issues during the appeals process.
According to Chief Raymond Yowell, Chief of the Western Shoshone
National Council, "Western Shoshone law is the first law for us;
international law is second in our view; US Law is third and
least significant to us. For a solution to the Western Shoshone
land rights issue to occur, the above must be followed. We do
not accept US law, and they [the US] do not accept Shoshone law.
The forum for a solution to the problems has to be done in an
international setting." The Western Shoshone National Council is
the traditional leadership of the Western Shoshone Nation.
Presently, of the more than 120 military conflicts in the world,
three-fourths involve native nations seeking to hold off or free
themselves from larger, occupying nation-states. Some 3000
native nations are presently contained within the borders of
fewer than 200 states, which assert control over them. The
United States lays claim to some 200 native nations alone. The
Western Shoshone are one such nation under attack. The Dann
ranch has been fending off raids for almost twenty years. In
addition, the Western Shoshone people have survived over 800
nuclear detonations on their homeland, with more scheduled for
this year.
The Western Shoshone Defense Project (WSDF) invites you to join
the defense force now or to add your name to the stand-by list.
They stress that the defense is non-violent, and they are
requesting committed activists willing to respect their wishes.
Supply runs and donations of non-perishable food, field
supplies, office supplies and money are needed. WSDF encourages
groups to hold benefits and fundraisers on their behalf.
Petitions and media blitz information is available. To find out
more, contact:
WESTERN SHOSHONE DEFENSE PROJECT
General Delivery, Crescent Valley, Nevada 89821
Tel (702) 468-0230, Fax (702) 468-0237
Large portions of this article were taken from Coyote Gulch
Productions.
-30-
SQUATTERS AND THE ROOTS OF MAU MAU:
A History of Squatting in Kenya
Edited By Richard Van Savage
In the context of Kenya and the Mau Mau movement, particularly
amongst the Kikuyu people, squatting played a pivotal role. The
term Mau Mau was used primarily by Europeans to describe what
many Africans referred to as "the movement." The label has since
stuck. Focusing on land and freedom brought out the hypocrisy
and true contradictions within British colonial society. The
racism, economic exploitation and the use of laws to further
such crimes came to be more and more apparent as the squatters
fought for their rights. The parallels to Europeans settling in
America, not as respectful neighbors to the native peoples of
the land, but as greedy, selfish, bigoted thieves, is truly
illuminating.
The term "squatter" originated in South Africa. It referred to
an African permitted to live on a European farmers land, usually
on condition that they worked for the farmer for a specific
period of time. In return for labour, the African was allowed to
grow food and to graze animals. It's crucial to look at the
origins of squatting to understand it properly today. The
African that cultivated the land and raised livestock was
transformed overnight with the arrival of Europeans from a
landowner to a squatter. The European simply staked out land
creating plantations, regardless of who was using it beforehand.
Then under threat of force, he gave the African the choice of
being evicted from their land, squatting it with a form of
indentured servitude bordering on slavery, or face the wrath of
the British military.
Tax Resistance
One example of how the legal system was used to economically
undermine and enslave a people is the Hut and Poll Taxes of 1901
and 1910. By placing a tax on every home and head of the family,
the colonialists caused many previously self sufficient African
families fell into debt. They would then start squatting. The
father would often work for the European in order to pay off the
taxes, while the mother would tend to the farming and the
children would tend to the livestock. Further laws were enacted
to change the status of squatters from that of tenants to that
of a labour contract. The squatters continued to resist each new
law, often in very creative ways. One way used to subvert the
law was to invite friends and relatives to come for a "visit" to
lend a hand. The relatives stayed on and in time there would be
more and more squatters taking back the land.
In the 1920's settlers began to diversify from simply farming to
also raising stock and dairy cows. They were now in direct
competition with the squatters. Furthermore, raising livestock
was less labour intensive, and they no longer needed the
squatters to help to run their farms. With this new competition
came a new ruthlessness on the part of the settlers. They began
to confiscate and kill squatter stock. The squatters called this
kifagio, a swahili word literally meaning "the broom," referring
to the sweeping away of squatter stock and their primary
livelihood.
The colonial judicial system was hopelessly biased, so the
squatters continued to use the traditional ciama, or elders
councils to arbitrate disputes amongst squatters. Each farm
would have its own kiama (single council). For larger disputes
the individual kiama would combine to form a special kiama to
deal with problems extending beyond a single farm. In 1924 the
government outlawed the ciama and, in 1931 instituted a native
tribal court, often selected by Europeans.
While Africans were being taxed, only European, Asian and Arab
children received an education from government schools. The
squatters set up their own self-help network of free schools to
educate and to counter the culturally destructive mission
schools that would try to indoctrinate African children.
The Loyalty Oath
In 1940 the Kikuyu Central Association (KSA) was banned by the
government. The KSA was the main vehicle through which displaced
Africans lobbied to get back their land. The government
purchased Olenguruone district to provide land for displaced
squatters. This reservation, or reserve as they were called in
Kenya, was unsuitable for economically supporting the number of
people concentrated in this reserve. Olenguruone became a
dumping ground for those committing sabotage, organizing or acts
otherwise deemed undesirable by the settlers. Not surprisingly
it became the center and beginning of the organized resistance.
By 1944 the underground KSA and squatters in Olenguruone were
using a "loyalty oath." At first they used the bible and the
soil as their symbols. This was quickly changed to the soil and
goat meat. Considering the kifagio, which was killing their
stock, and the continuous displacement from the land, it seemed
an apt symbol of their aspirations. By 1950 younger members were
becoming disillusioned with the slow pace being taken by the
older leaders of the movement. The aim of the first oath was
"secretly to unite, discipline and foster political
consciousness" among the Kikuyu with the ultimate aim of
obtaining land and freedom. In fact most intellectuals or those
a little better off, such as farm foreman, were often distrusted
and were often the last to take the oath. If repercussions
followed, these people were often murdered. If they remained
loyal, they were then expected to use their position to
influence others or to supply information about the Europeans,
as the Europeans often trusted them more. In 1952 there was a
massive mobilization to recruit people to take the oath. This
resulted in a wave of violence as the state imprisoned several
hundred people. And a backlash erupted as informers were killed,
often causing others to inform as they objected to the violence.
The state attempted to brand the Mau Mau as "criminals." On Oct
20, 1952, following the assassination of Chief Waruhiu, a high
ranking puppet, a state of emergency was declared. This resulted
in a wave of settlers killing squatters, confiscating stock and
crops.
Struggling With Sexism
At this point many squatters fled to the forest areas where they
began training as guerrillas. In February of 1951 Kenyatta, a
future leader of the country, publicly denounced the movement.
One of the key soldiers in the resistance was a womyn by the
name of Wanjiru Nyamarutu. At first the Mau Mau movement was
terribly sexist, as wimmin were thought of as not being able to
keep secrets. As wimmin began to not only take the oath but to
kill and fight along side their husbands, these prejudices began
to be dispelled. Nyamarutu became a General in charge of food.
This became a crucial position because it also meant being in
charge of intelligence gathering. Food had to be gathered from
the farms by squatters, collected, transported to the forest,
and then distributed among the many guerrilla cells. Nyamarutu
was soon running a whole spy network, often of wimmin and
children who could go to areas without raising as much
suspicion. Children would often appear to be playing when in
fact they were gathering information on troop movements,
possible informers, etc.
Before a womyn could be elected as a leader and co-opted into
the Inner Secret Council, she had to have taken the third oath,
at which point it was held that she could not possibly turn
against the movement. As far as positions of leadership went,
people had to prove themselves through acts of bravery, secrecy
and trustworthiness. At this point gender was irrelevant; merit
was more important. Nyamarutu later became a Mau Mau judge.
Another womyn that rendered sexist myths meaningless was Wambui
X. She was known as "the killer." After her husband, also a
freedom fighter, was killed in the forest, she refused to
remarry and dedicated herself to Mau Mau work. She could not
revert back to domestic subjection because "she could not be
ruled, she knew everything, her hands had become light, she
could easily kill a useless husband."
By 1956 the Mau Mau movement had been militarily defeated. The
hardcore Mau Mau created the Kenya Land Freedom Army (KFLA)
oath. They fought on to protect squatter rights as the British
began to decolonize. The British did a number of things to
maintain some form of economic control over Kenya. They
cultivated an elite African leadership, often the same ones not
trusted by the poorer, undereducated squatters. They created
loan schemes "out of fairness to the settlers" in which
squatters were allowed to borrow money to purchase land. This
was often done with the goal of concentrating land ownership in
the hands of a few Africans, "the new African middle class," who
would then hire squatters and prevent a massive redistribution
of free land. During this time the KFLA continued its
resistance. They were better organized, commanded stronger
allegiance, and had greater clarity of purpose than Mau Mau.
They clearly expected to use violence when necessary.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the parallels to Britain in Africa and the U.S.
in the Americas in regard to "reservations", "reconstruction"
after the civil war, and the creation of puppet regimes, are
instructive in understanding the roots of many contemporary
problems. We as a squatter community have not yet fully realized
not only the revolutionary potential of a strong squatting
movement, but also that this movement cannot be separate from
fighting against racism, sexism and economic exploitation.
Whether it be rural farm squatting as Thoreau advocated, or
urban apartment squatting, we can look to the Mau Mau movement
as an inspiration in overthrowing the current property laws that
are based on racism and exploitation. Likewise we can study the
work of Frank Kitson, a British intelligence officer who
pioneered many counter insurgency techniques in Kenya that are
still used by the FBI in their COINTELPRO activities against
dissidents in the U.S.
Information was taken from the book, Squatters and the Roots of
Mau Mau by Tabitha Kanogo, Ohio University Press, Athens Ohio,
45701.
-30-
TAKING DOWN BIG BROWN
By K. Frazier
You load 16 tons and whaddya get? Another day older and deeper
in debt. ---Tennessee Ernie Ford
United Parcel Service Inc (UPS), the package delivery company
famous for its brown delivery vans and uniforms, has begun
contract negotiations with the International Brotherhood [sic]
of Teamsters, which represents the more than 160,000 workers at
UPS.
In the past these negotiations have been something of a cake
walk for UPS. It's multi-million dollar propaganda blitzes aimed
at selling its proposals to the workforce were countered with
absolutely nothing by the pro-Republican, mafia-influenced
leadership of the Teamsters. Contract after contract like this
has cost workers dearly, 10 years ago starting wages for
part-timers were slashed from $11 an hour to $8 and $9 an hour,
creating a two-tier wage track between full-timers and
part-timers. (The $8/hour rate has remained unchanged since the
early eighties, which, when considering inflation, amounts to a
wage cut every year.) The company's ability to win the upper
hand on the work floor -- where near-brutal productivity
standards are enforced -- has been just as significant as UPS
victories at the bargaining table.
LIFE AT BIG BROWN
"Management by stress." That's the name workers have given to
the methods used by United Parcel Service management. But even
that doesn't adequately describe the rigors of life at "Big
Brown." Package unloaders are expected to pound out 1300
packages an hour, many as heavy as 70 lbs each. Package sorters
are expected to keep that pace with 99 percent accuracy.
Delivery drivers are expected to make a delivery every four
minutes, regardless of traffic or weather. UPS warehouse-workers
(mainly loaders, unloaders, and sorters) are subject to a very
high manager to worker ratio, which means almost constant
harassment. Drivers who don't make time face threats of
"ride-a-longs" from supervisors. Minor injuries are a daily
occurrence among warehouse-workers, and nearly everyone
complains of back problems. New employees very quickly find that
this "prestigious" working-class job isn't all it's cracked up
to be. A union survey found that 77 percent of UPSers believe
that "unjust pressure was applied in the company's quest for
productivity." Seventy percent said that the company wanted more
than "a fair day's work for the wages paid." Even a survey of
workers conducted by UPS management on work premises found that
40 percent felt they were not treated with respect by their
overseer.
TEAMSTER CHANGES
Since the last UPS contract the Teamsters have undergone some
major changes. In the Dec '91 Teamster elections, Ron Carey , a
union reformer, swept the old guard from the top positions in
the US's largest union. Carey has been a long-time president of
the large UPS local in Queens, New York. Banking on his
reputation as an honest militant, Carey has promised to bring
democracy and a fighting spirit to the Teamsters. The UPS
contract is seen as his big test. Besides politics, Carey has
another reason for fighting for a better contract: The outgoing
leaders left the union in financial dire straits. If an increase
in UPS workers' wages is won, Carey might be able to ease a dues
increase out of this largest single group of Teamsters, bailing
out the bureaucracy.
STIMULATING THE RANK AND FILE
The election of Carey and his slate of reformers was more than
just a changing of the guard. It was an insurgency of pissed-off
workers against corruption and sell-outs. Leading the charge was
the 10,000 member-strong Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU).
TDU had been organizing for change for the past 20 years, often
under threats of violence from the old guard. Their
widely-circulated newspaper, CONVOY-DISPATCH, helped to build an
impressive organization of local groups across North America.
Ten to 15 vice-presidents on Carey's slate (but not Carey
himself) are TDU. Since the election, TDU has remained active.
At their convention last October, TDU reiterated its friendly,
but still independent, relationship with the new International
leadership. TDU is distributing UPS Contract Bulletins aimed at
educating and stimulating the rank and file to actively
participate in the contract fight. In Baltimore and other
places, TDU has organized rallies at UPS employee parking lots.
TASKS FOR TROUBLEMAKERS
For those of us who long for more than just "a decent contract"
(like maybe international capital in flames), the UPS contract
fight still provides an excellent opportunity for struggle, a
chance to gain some experience, and maybe, just maybe ...
Revolutionary anarchist UPS workers should work hard to bring as
many workers into this struggle as possible, not just in support
of the union heavies (or TDU, or anarchists). We should strive
to forge an autonomous force --a force capable of backing the
union when appropriate, or of asserting our own demands on the
company (independent of and possibly against the union when that
makes sense) -- a force with the savvy to know the difference.
No contract can guarantee who will have power on the shop floor:
who will call the shots, who will be afraid. Right now, Big
Brown has power. By a long shot. When he says, "jump!," we jump.
I just found out that a manager beat up an unloader for being
too slow. But this contract fight can be a real step toward
building worker solidarity and worker power -- a step toward a
time when we can (among other tactics) slow the belt to a human
speed, take "unauthorized" breaks, and punish supervisors who
violate workers.
For now TDU seems like the most realistic vehicle for activism
at UPS. TDU is an impressive organization that includes many
older militants we can learn much from. We should seek to build
TDU, especially among women workers, workers of color and young
workers, who do not have large memberships in TDU. It is these
workers who will probably be most interested in pushing things
further.
Ultimately though, TDU is too tied to the union-concept of
organizing. They want to make the Teamsters a "good union."
Unions, in my estimation, have ceased to be anything approaching
fighting organizations. In the best cases, like the Teamsters
under Carey, unions are lobbying organizations for workers who
try to win decent contacts (read: better rates of exploitation).
In the worst cases, like the United Food and Commercial Workers,
unions seek to stomp out working-class militancy with a passion
unmatched by the capitalists.
Workers at UPS and everywhere need new forms of organization
based on the floor not on hierarchy, organization with the
ability to see past the company gates politically. We need
organization not tied to legalism as its sole strategy,
organization willing and able to inflict costs on the company
and to win strike "by any means necessary." We need organization
that makes a priority of fighting for the most dispossessed
workers, not for the most privileged. We need an organization
that demands full equality for women, African Amerikans and
other oppressed nationalities, Queers and youth. We will advance
as a class or not at all.
If you work at UPS, are interested in working at UPS, are a
Teamster, or are just interested in workplace organizing, contact:
KF, c/o PO Box 581354, Minneapolis, MN 55458-1354
-30-
continued in Part 2...
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Subject: Love&Rage_6/93-2
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Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
LOVE AND RAGE
Revolutionary Anarachist Newspaper
Electronic Edition
Volume 4, Number 3
June/July, 1993
Part 2 of 3
INTERVIEW WITH THE GOATS
By Bilal Nine
On Feb 19, The Goats dropped their fat lyrics of dissension on
Houston. After rippin' it up on stage, I got a chance to kick it
with them.
The Goats' debut album, Tricks of Shade, is fat with a unique
flavor that blends streetwise political perspective, humor and a
wild in-your-face style. Add to that -- a 12-part story on the
album about Chicken Little, an Afrikan youth's saga through Uncle
Scam's House O' Freaks looking for his mother who was captured by
anti-choicers -- and you get hip-hop like it's never been done
before.
Bilal Nine: One thing I've noticed about The Goats is that your
political perspective seems a little more radical in respect to a
wider, all-embracing approach politically. Other hip-hop crews
may come from a nationalist point of view, or some might be from
that moderate liberal tip.
Madd: There's more to just bein' a Black male, because there's
more going on than just the crimes against my people. Looking at
the problems of my people has helped me to see the problems that
the Native Americans and Latino Americans face. We all got to pull
together. But I'm down with Public Enemy, who's pretty much Black
nationalist, and Professor X from X-Clan.
Bilal Nine: KRS One [of the band Boogie Down Productions] was out
here last week to give a lecture and I was able to kick it with
him on a couple of questions -- one being his appearance on a PBS
set on election night. The host of PBS' election coverage asked
KRS what he thought about the youth involvement in the election.
KRS, to me, looked like he wanted to say, "fuck an election." But
instead he just said that the youth should look back at history
and they could see for themselves where voting can get them. My
question to y'all is how'd you see the Rock The Vote campaign?
Madd: You're lucky OaTie ain't here right now, cuz he'd be yelling
at the top of his lungs right now. Fuck Rock The Vote, man. When
was the last time a vote has done anything for anybody? The Civil
Right's Movement, the Women's Suffrage Movement, the ERA, the
Labor Movement. You gotta revolt. Ain't nothing gonna change
through voting. My grandparents died for the right that I have to
vote. I used it, and I think you should vote, but that's not all
you should do.
Mark Boyce: LA Riots is the perfect example of what you gotta do.
Madd: So we voted for Clinton, and nothing's gonna happen, which
is what they want you to do. Lower you into complacency.
Boyce: He [Clinton] is going to give us the same shit that's been
around for 15 years.
Question from the room: What do you think about Tipper Gore now
that she's in the White House?
Boyce: She can only help us.
Madd: I don't think things are gonna get worse or better. Things
are gonna stay where they're at right now. Do we trust Clinton?
Not as far as we can throw him, and believe me, our next record
will be totally devoted to dissin' Clinton.
Bilal Nine: I saw at the bottom of y'all's lyric sheet labeled
"Moral" and it says don't vote for fascists. He [Clinton] is in
the list along with Reagan and Bush.
Madd: If I think my next door neighbor could do a better job, then
it's a democracy, but when I gotta pick between two middle- aged,
white male descendants of slave owners, I'm pissed.
OaTie: [Just entering the room] You must be talking about
presidents of the United States cuz that's the only group around
that fits that description.
Bilal Nine: What inspired you brothers to do the "Leonard Peltier
in a Cage" skit on the album?
OaTie: Well, there's all kinds of oppression -- racism, sexism,
gay bashing -- but what's the worst oppression of all time?
Columbus didn't take Native Americans to be slaves. We didn't move
them around. We killed them off the land they were living on. So
the greatest crime against a people was not done by Hitler or
anyone else, but by the US in the name of Manifest Destiny. And it
went on until 100 years after Wounded Knee. A coalition was formed
of Native Americans to retake Wounded Knee; Leonard Peltier was
with them. Couple of years later, America deployed FBI invasions
of people's homes. Two FBI agents were shot. No one knows who
shot them, but they took the most active person around, and it was
Leonard Peltier.
Bilal Nine: When you guys were about to drop "?Do the Digs Dug?"
and you were talkin' about Leonard, the audience seemed a little
lost.
OaTie: When I first heard about him, I was in Europe. The people
out there know what time it is, but here, 40 people know what's
up, or do they just read fuckin' daily news and the other schlock
out there? We try to center on one thing when we're doing a show.
I hate it when people get up there and hit you with everything at
once and you still leave thinking nothin'. Tonight we talked about
military defense spending because he [Clinton] just put out his
budget on Oct 12, which was the 500th anniversary of Columbus. We
were talkin' Columbus and Leonard Peltier every show. People just
need to ask questions and dig.
Bilal Nine: I noticed in the "Props" section [on the album's liner
notes] that Emma Goldman is listed. I'll play this Emma Goldman
sound bite on my show [Street Vibe Network] every now and then.
I'm playing this to a hip-hop crowd and people call in asking "Who
is Emma Goldman?"
OaTie: Emma Goldman has always been a hero of mine; she lived
around the turn of the century. She spoke out, against getting
married, a woman's right to abortion, for total independence for
the female, but also a labor leader. She led people to revolt
against bad labor conditions. She died in the Soviet Union. She
was a communist. I'm not -- that's the only difference between us.
Bilal Nine: Well, not to be a smart-ass, but at that period in her
life she went over to anarchism.*
OaTie: Well, if you look at the government that existed there, I
can see why. Actually, I'd like to see an anarchist party, as
obnoxious as that sounds.
There are two types of women you can talk about in rap songs: Ho's
and B's or women like Emma Goldman ... and we don't diss women.
--From Black Fist Vol 1 No 2
* [Not to be even smarter-asses, but Emma Goldman was always an
anarchist -- The Production Group]
-30-
TAP INTO ELECTRONIC MEDIA
By Kathleen Kelly
(with Liz Highleyman and Todd Prane)
Freedom of the press belongs to the person who owns one. If you
have access to a computer and modem, you already have at your
fingertips the power of your own international press. You can tap
into a worldwide electronic network that links people across the
globe. This network, loosely called the Internet, is nothing more
than a voluntary web of people who have computers and telephone
lines. It includes more than 9,000 interlocking computer systems,
many based in universities and accessible through free student
accounts. Internet can be accessed in more than a hundred
countries and reaches an estimated 10-15 million people of all
sorts (activists, researchers, educators, policy makers,
scientists, students, etc). Network traffic is currently growing
at a phenomenal 10 percent each month.
Through Internet you can: send and receive electronic mail
(e-mail), transfer large files, distribute and receive news and
information, and access other computer databanks and resources
from your computer. Electronic communications systems are a very
valuable political and strategic tool for activists. In a crisis,
press releases and appeals for political action can be flashed to
hundreds of systems rapidly. News travels very fast indeed on the
Internet.
This widely dispersed, decentralized, difficult-to-control medium
would be extremely hard for the government to shut down
completely, without turning off every phone in the country. One or
two systems can be watched and controlled, and some alternative
news systems can be turned off completely, but anyone with a
laptop computer, a modem and a pay phone can still make one phone
call, send a message, and within half a day it will be distributed
worldwide on the Internet. For high-security messages, good
encoding programs are available. Best of all, its cheap and it
promotes free information exchange. You can easily reach a hundred
thousand people for a fraction of what it would cost to print
10,000 copies of the same information. You can also target your
message to a specific readership.
Messages have a ripple effect, because every person who reads an
article online might redistribute it to dozens of others who don't
have Internet access. Electronic news is routinely reprinted in
community newspapers, activist newsletters and local electronic
bulletin board systems. E-mail provides an excellent opportunity
for collectively making decisions among geographically dispersed
groups, such as the Love and Rage Network. It is an effective way
to get the word out about continental gatherings and actions, such
as the recent Queer march in DC. For publications, articles can be
submitted quickly and typeset easily. Authors can review suggested
edits. Efforts have been ongoing to get as many Love and Rage
participants online as possible.
Television and radio are largely monopolized by the corporate
media. Few independent newspapers exist, and printed activist
newsletters reach only a small number of people. But the
electronic networks still belong to the people, and activists can
harness this power to reach large audiences for about $10 a month
in most places. A wide array of low-cost electronic networks, news
distribution services, and databanks are easily accessible.
The Whole Internet Users Guide & Catalog, by Ed Krol is a valuable
resource book (available for $24.95 from O'Reilly & Associates:
reachable on the Internet as nuts@ora.com). Krol clearly explains
the net's main functions, offers details on timesaving programs
for finding Internet resources, and gives complete telephone
numbers, addresses, and e-mail access information. Another
excellent book is EcoLinking: Everyone's Guide to Online
Environmental Information, by Don Ritter (available for $24.95
from PeachPit Press, 2414 Sixth St, Berkeley, CA 94710, Fax (510)
548-4393). It combines technical guidance with annotated listings
of useful information sources. This book also covers public PC
bulletin boards, including those on the public FidoNet network, an
international network of more than 10,000 hobbyist computer
systems, many of which are free.
For more information, contact New York Transfer News Collective, a
non-profit news distribution service that's been helping activists
get online for eight years. Contact Kathleen Kelly at:
NY Transfer News Collective
Modem (718) 448-2358
Fax (718) 448-3423
Email: nyt@blythe.org
ELECTRONIC RESOURCES
Here is a quick, descriptive list of some names and numbers of
where and how to get online.
The first thing you need is a computer with a modem. A used IBM PC
compatable (from the early 1980s) with a cheap modem will do.
Cost: about $300 or so for the computer, $60 or so for the modem.
Next, nationally: Most cities have public access bulletin boards
run by enterprising individuals, many of whom offer either
Internet or FidoNet access, and USENET newsgroups (conferences or
forums on specific subjects). Contact members of local
users-groups or visit computer stores to find out more. Access,
price and services depend entirely on the city, the computer and
so on. Any college or university should have accounts (often free)
available to students (and their friends). All systems listed
here have e-mail. Most have USENET and are listed by city: system
name, phone number -- most accesed via a modem set at 2400 no
parity 8 data bits 1 stop bit -- price, and e-mail address for
info).
Canada, US and Mexico: IGC (Peacenet, among others):
support@igc.apc.org or call (voice) (415) 442-0220. Accounts are
$10/month plus usage. National access through Sprintnet for $5/hr
off peak, $10/hr peak. Costs add up quickly and most of the users
are intolerably Liberal, but it is cheaper and less evil than
Compuserve et al. Some good info in the conferences.
San Francisco: The Well (Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link):
support@well.sf.ca.us (no number avail right now, sorry). Low cost
e-mail system. A similar system has been started recently in the
New York Area including a wimmin-only conference.
New York: Panix. Dial in at (212) 787- 2100 or (212)787-3100 and
log-in as newuser. $10/mo e-mail and unlimited access and storage
time. Alexis@panix.com or jsb@panix.com. Voice: Jim Baumbach at
(212) 603-3572
Boston: The World. Call (voice) (617) 739-0202 or dial up (617)
739-9753 and log-in as new. $20/month for 20 hours access time and
2MB of online storage. Extra usage at $2/hr. support@world.std.com.
Chicago:
--DDSWL (312) 248-0900. $75/yr or $10 month. karl@ddsw1.mcs.com
--Gagme (312) 282- 8606. $50/yr (student $35). Info@gagme.chi.il.us.
--Chinet (312) 283-0559. BBS free, USENET $50/yr
(free to guests on weekends).
Ann Arbor: Grex (313) 761-3000. $6/month or $60/year.Info@cyberspace.org.
Madison: Madnix (608) 273-2657. Free. Ray@madnix.uucp.
Orlando: JWT (407) 438-7138. Free. Initial login "bbs". john@jwt.uucp.
Columbia, MO: COIN (314) 884-7000 or telnet to 128.206.1.3. Free
(limit one hour per visit). Voice: Help desk at Daniel Boone
Regional Library (314) 443-3161, ext. 302.
Sorry this list is so short and mostly East coast/Midwest.
Cheap/free stuff is available all over the US and in Canada (IGC
is available from Mixico-write for info). For a complete listing
of public access e-mail, or for e-mail in your city, call or write
to Todd at Love and Rage (info page 2).
Once you are online, please write to us to find out more about
alternative news, information, and so on available over the net.
Addresses of other activists online are also available. Contact:
loveandrage@igc.apc.org, lnr@blythe.org, or nyt@blythe.org for
more info.
-30-
WAGE SLAVE RAGE
By Matt Teeter
Wendy's Old Fashioned slave trade is where I work. Like all
fast-food-workers, I have many masters. Like any assembly
line-worker, beepers, buzzers and timers rule my existence. The
fries are done; the potatoes are baked; the orders are on the
screen. Someone flips the burgers, passes the meat on to the
sandwich- maker, who passes the product on to the server, who
passes it on to the customer, who pays an exorbitant amount for
grease to clog up her arteries. There are no speed-ups only
slow-downs; fast- food is never fast enough. We had soda machines
that filled a 32 ounce cup in eight seconds; they were upscaled
with super-nozzles. Now we can fill 32 ounces in four seconds. Now
that's progress!
As might be imagined, between living on low-wages, customers
yelling, managers yelling, beepers buzzing, buzzers beeping -- the
pressure can be immense. Of course all fast food-workers know who
to blame ... each other of course.
That's not to say Wendy's workers don't know fat pig Dave Thomas
is getting rich off their labor, but they simply know that the fat
pig isn't around to be hurt directly. You have to make due with
who's around.
I've mentioned union to a few people here. The first thing they
say is, "But then you have to pay union dues." I tell them there
are unions that have low dues, such as $3 a month. They usually
just shrug; nobody intends on staying here.
I've never met anyone who likes working fast-food. If being
regulated by machines is hell, then managers are the devil. Like
the cops, there is the bad manager and the good manager: the one
will berate you, then the other will sweet talk you into working
on your day off. However, never, never is there a shred of
over-time pay for people who'd be glad to work on their day off.
The Wendy's I work at makes approximately $25,000 a week. Perhaps
labor costs are $5,000 a week, including the managers' salaries.
There's no question that the purpose of the business is to earn
money; it's just a matter of for whom.
Against this sort of background, fast-food-workers all have one
thing in common: they steal ... everything from grill knobs to
french fries to one guy who backs his car up to the freezer to
take boxes of breaded chicken. I steal everything from individual
mustard packets to five-pound bags of cheese; anything just to
steal a little, just a little back.
Some days it's easy to just go into work and -- despite the grease
film on my skin, the smell of my clothes, the blood on my hands
from raw meat -- I can just dream work away, think of quitting
day. However, I have to live with myself and ask myself why I am
a "Wobbly" (an [Industrial] Workers of the World member). Action
talks; bullshit walks.
I don't have anyone to worry about but myself. However, there are
people who are trying to feed families; people who work two jobs
just to pay some pigdog of a landlord. As corporations flee to
non-union lands, people are forced into the non-union service
industry, but fast-food is just another factory. Wobblies have
always organized factories that other unions wouldn't touch. Big
unions can't organize fast-food-workers, but we can. Dave Thomas,
Ray Kroc -- these motherfuckers are gonna burn!
--From Lehigh Valley IWW Branch Bulletin April 1993
-30-
KILLING THE PLANET
ECUADOR--Oil companies vs Natives. The big push is now under way
to extract the $30 billion worth of crude oil which lies two miles
beneath the Ecuadorian Orient -- the Amazon region of Ecuador,
that is one of the most biologically diverse areas on the planet.
Within the next year or two, a network of 250 miles of roads will
be plowed through the rainforest, pipelines will be put into
place, and the crude oil will begin to flow. An area of more than
7 million acres of rainforest will be subjected to oil and
chemical spills. Among the companies involved are American
multinationals Maxus, Oryx, ARCO, and Occidental; the French
company Elf Aquitaine; Braspetro of Brazil and others.
SIBERIA--Russian officials have confirmed that plutonium salts
were among the radioactive materials blasted into the atmosphere
when a nuclear fuel reprocessing installation in Western Siberia
exploded on April 6. An area of at least 35 square kilometers of
forest has been rendered uninhabitable -- effectively forever. The
explosion occurred 28 km north-west of the large industrial city
of Tomsk in an outlying plant of the Siberian Chemical Combine.
The combine is centered in the town known as Tomsk-7. Founded in
the late 1940s as one of three major centers of the Soviet nuclear
weapons manufacturing program, Tomsk-7 remains closed to
foreigners, and during the Soviet era was so secret that despite
having a population of more than 100,000, it was not marked on
maps.
According to the Russian Greenpeace organization, the plant at
which the explosion occurred uses nitric acid to dissolve spent
fuel rods from nuclear reactors, in order to extract Uranium-238
and Plutonium-239 for recycling. A preliminary report issued on
April 9 by the State Nuclear Supervisory Committee attributed the
cause of the accident to negligence by plant personnel. Even tiny
particles of plutonium dust, if they lodge in the lungs, create a
high risk of cancer. Unlike many of the radioactive products of
nuclear reactions, plutonium does not decay into harmlessness
within a few weeks or months; its half-life is 24,000 years.
--From Mikhail Tsovma 109462 CIS, Russia, Moscow Volzhsky Blvd
21-62 Tel (095) 921-06-55 email krazchenko@glas.apc.org
-30-
SCENE REPORTS
Chicago: da windy city
The Baklava Autonomist Collective has an organized itself around
several projects over the last year. We are focusing on building a
strong, attractive and viable local community and continuing our
role as troublemakers. The focus on community-building is
expressed through our local projects: 1 COLLECTIVE CHAOS: record
label for DIY politically charged music, twice (or more) monthly
benefit hardcore/punk shows, and distribution of literature,
music, and info; 2 ABC: We've adopted of anti-authoritarian
political prisoner Larry Giddings, and decided to also support
several local political prisoners. Also, several actions around
various prisoners have taken place and were well received; 3 WIND
CHILL FACTOR -- Soon to be a bi-monthly newsprinted magazine.
Yeah, we're punk. A thirty two page, 8 1/2 x 11 format, hopefully
out in May. Print run 5,000. Watch out L&R! Also, the drive to
squat is pushing us toward acquiring some property. If people are
coming through Chicago, call the CHICAGO AUTONOMIST HOTLINE at
(312) 455-0707 to network with us.
Hello from Baltimore
Anarchist activity in Baltimore has been increasing of late. Earth
Core distribution has just become a Love and Rage supporting
group. Earth Core is a small anarchist collective that circulates
literature, music and publications with an anti-authoritarian
focus. There has been a recent increase in racist activity in
Baltimore, and we would like to form a Baltimore ARA and could use
help. The BAC (Baltimore Anarchist Collective) is a local
youth-oriented group which holds meetings every other week.
Activities include distributing and publishing a zine and booking
shows. Send us submissions for our zine. We are also interested in
forming a womyn-only anarchist group. Other groups, including ARM
(Anarchist Revival Movement) and AYC (Angry Youth Collective)
would like to become more active and expand.
For more information about any of this please contact BAC at: PO
Box 18956. Baltimore MD 21206
Paterson, NJ
The Paterson Anarchist Collective, one of the nine groups that
makes up the North Jersey Anarchist Federation, continues the
struggle to organize in the streets of Paterson. We have opened
the Right to Existence, anarchist bookstore/community
space/hangout. We hold forums and political video nights there. We
have also printed and distributed the first issue of Plain Words
which contains the second issue of Copwatch. Plain Words features
local news from an anarchist viewpoint and national and
international anarchist news. Copwatch covers the local police
terror. To find out more about these papers, Anarchist Black Cross
or other NJAF groups contact us at:PAC POB 8532 Haledon, NJ
07508-8532
-30-
NOTES OF REVOLT
KEEPING THE PEACE
Ottawa--On March 16 and 17 around 300 protesters turned out to
protest Canada's largest weapons trade show, ARMX, being held at
the Ottawa Congress Center. The show, entitled "Peacekeeping '93"
in an attempt to defuse resistance, featured such equipment as
armor-piercing grenade-launchers, aircraft-mounted cannons, and
tanks. Several anarchists formed a loose alliance at the actions.
The actions included successful blockage of the streets and doors
to the trade show, occupation of the Westin Hotel where many of
the patrons of the event were staying, and the spreading of fake
blood on the walls of the convention center. In addition at least
two anarchist got inside the show and collected brochures, took
photos, appropriated supplies, and reworked the plumbing using
toilet tissue, menstrual pads, and tampons.
YOUTH UNDER ATTACK
Pequanock, NJ--In early march, the administration of Pequanock
High School in New Jersey imposed a number of repressive and
ridiculous rules in response to student vandalism. A NJAYF (New
Jersey Anarchist Youth Federation) member made and distributed a
flyer to protest this which denounced the actions of the
administration and reprinted "School Stoppers Guide" and "What
Education?" from Love and Rage, Vol 3 No 7. In response, the
school staff began to round up students demanding to know the
connection between the vandalism,the flier, and the "anarchist
terrorist organization" that was responsible for the two. --from
Jersey Anarchist No 8
POLICE VAN A SIZZLER
Victoria, BC--The grill of the Fairfield community police
station's mini-van went up in flames Friday, Mar 5, after vandals
lit the contents of an aerosol can. About $2,000 in damage was
done to the van which had been parked in front of the police
station on Fairfield Road.This comes with a recent surge of
activity in Victoria. In mid- December several new cars at a GM
dealership were attacked (claimed by an anarchist group). On Dec
25 a McDonalds was attacked by the ALF. Then on Jan 1, a butchers
shop was also attacked by the ALF. Although no known communiques
have been received about the police van action, this seems to be
the first use of fire. Complacent Victoria is heating up! --from
Autonomedia
COP KILLERS
California--Cops in California are complaining of "people taking
shots at you just because you're wearing a blue uniform." In
Salinas, in response to a police murder in January, groups
confronted police with rocks, bottles and random shots. Also, in
response to the Rodney King verdict, graffiti began appearing
throughout South LA, saying things like "Kill Cops."
DAY OF ACTION FOR HAITIANS
On Monday, April 19, people around the US participated in a day of
action protesting US policy toward Haitian refugees. In New York
City, protesters occupied the Statue of Liberty, ACT UP invaded a
local congressperson's office, and others marched outside the
Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) offices. In Miami,
demonstrators rallied at the INS offices. In Boston, protesters
leafletted the Boston Marathon and rallied at the finish line. In
Philadelphia, ACT UP organized an encampment outside the INS
offices which lasted through the night Demonstrations were also
held in Seattle, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, and at UC Berkeley.
-30-
LIBERATION RADIO
Springfield, Ill--Mbanna Kantako is blind, Black, broke and on the
verge of creating a Media revolution in America. Black Liberation
Radio operates on a one-watt transmitter the size of a toaster,
with a broadcast range of only one mile. The six-year-old station
has been in flagrant violation of a federal court order to cease
broadcasting for the past two and a half years. The "Micro-Radio"
model is cheap (about $800), easily replicated and was designed to
be used to empower low-income people in neighborhoods across the
country.
TAMAYO, DOMINICAN REP -- Meanwhile, in the Dominican Republic,
Radio Enriquillo was ordered to cease broadcasting uncensored
Haitian news in Creole. They evaded the orders by singing the
news, accompanied by a guitar and bongos. They have since
completely ceased the Haitian news program due to threats and
intimidation against workers at the station.
You can contact the stations:
Black Liberation Radio, c/o 333 N 12 st Springfield, IL 62702
Radio Enriquillo, Apartado 99 Tamayo, Dominican Republic
--from New Liberation News Service and Interadio
-30-
NYC SQUATTERS
New York -- Six demonstrators protesting the destruction of a
shantytown in w York's Lower East Side were arrested on Feb 20
following an hour-long metal jam at the site. Some 50 squatters
and anarchists met at the vacant city-owned lot on 9th Street and
Avenue C where they pounded drums and scrap metal and built a
bonfire of wooden police barricades. Earlier in the week police
and bulldozers had moved in to demolish the shantytown that had
been home for 21 people. The demonstrators were particularly upset
over the report that two of the shantytown residents had been
committed to Bellevue Hospital. (They were later released.) The
City plans to build a new station for the PSA-9 Housing Police and
56 units of so-called low-income housing.
-- From Black and Red, May/June 93
BILL NEEDS YOUR HELP
DETROIT -- Bill, a Detroit community member and activist of
several years, needs medical treatment as the result of fighting
back against Queer-bashers.
In mid-April outside the 404 Willis anarchist community center,
group of wimmim were being verbally harasses by a gang of
well-known misogynists and Queer-bashers. When these wimmin
confronted their aggressors, several of the wimmin were physically
attacked. People on the scene joined forces and successfully
chased the gang away. But in the process, Bill was cornered and
bashed in the head with a baseball bat.
Bill has already lost eight teeth, has a broken jaw and may loose
his lower lip to infection. He cannot cover the costs for even
minimal medical care. He has been unable to work due to his
injuries. He has no medical insurance. To fully restore his mouth
and jaw he will need surgery which will cost $12,000. Please help
raise the money needed. Bill supports Queer-rights with more than
just words. We should support him. Please give generously.
Send donations to:
Care For Bill
c/o SRN Wayne State University
5221 Gullen Mall, Box 99
Student Center Building
Detroit, MI 48202
Make Checks Payable to: Student Resistance Network
-30-
@ ARCHIVES
The Anarchist Archives Project has been collecting materials on
the history of Anarchism since 1982 and has gathered over 7,000
items. The project provides research assistance and low cost
photocopying of most material in the collection. To find out more
write: PO Box 1323, Cambridge MA 02238
-30-
CALENDAR
June 27 -- July 4
EF! Rendezvous Mt. Graham, AZ
Contact: AZ EF!, PO Box 3412 Tucson, AZ 85722
July 7--11
Love and Rage Annual Conference San Diego, CA
Contact: SD @ Federation c/o 915 E St, San Diego, CA 92101
Darren (619) 9-8722
July 16--19
Holiday in Beirut, USA
@ Gathering, Portland, OR
Contact: Rosebud Commons, 1951 W. Burnside,
Box 1928, Portland, OR 97209
July 29 -- August 1
The Frenzy @ Conference, Vancouver, BC
Contact: Box122, 1895 Commercial Drive, Vancouver, BC V5N 4A6
July -- Aug 2
Mid-Atlantic @ Gathering Contact: Wooden Shoe Books 215-569-2477
August 8
Under the Volcano Political Arts Festival (Bands & Artists)
Vancouver, BC
Contact: Box 21552, 1850 Commercial DrVancouver, BC V5N 4A0
Tel/Fax (604) 255-2787
Sometime Soon:
Midwest @ Gathering
Contact: Practical Anarchy, PO Box 173, Madison, WI 53701
National Organizing Summit Against Police Brutality
Contact: Dave (313) 865-2748
-30-
ABC SECTION
SPANISH POLITICAL PRISONERS TORTURED
By Paul Wright
[Edited by the Love and Rage Production Group]
Spain has a large and active communist and anarchist left and
labor movement. It also has several nationalities struggling for
independence from the central government.
The result of these struggles is that Spain has over 700 political
prisoners (pp's). The majority, over 600, are affiliated with the
Basque independence struggle. The next largest group, about 55
pp's, are members of the PCE(r) (Communist Party of Spain,
reconstituted) and GRAPO (Anti-Fascist Resistance Groups, First of
October). The remainder are anarchists, labor activists and
nationalists from the other liberation struggles being waged
against the Spanish central government.
Like all capitalist countries, the treatment of pp's in Spain
ranges from bad to barbaric. The last several months have seen a
general crackdown on leftist and nationalist activists and groups.
This includes the arrest of three members of AFAPP, an
organization that supports the human rights of political prisoners
in Spain. The family members arrested were accused of being
members of the PCE(r). The "evidence" against them consists of
address books and copies of the PCE(r)'s clandestine magazine.
After a shootout between Spanish police and a GRAPO commando, in
which some members of the commando escaped, Spanish police
arrested Elvira Dieguez and Laureano Ortega. They were accused of
"membership in an armed band." Dieguez had been released from
prison in 1989 after serving 12 years for GRAPO activities. At her
court appearance Dieguez showed obvious signs of torture and
described the torture she had undergone at the hands of the
Spanish police.
She states she was hooded with a plastic bag and blindfolded for
much of her ordeal. Her clothes were forcibly ripped off her body
and she was beaten. Her ordeal lasted for roughly five days and
she was tortured in the cities of Santander and Madrid. In Madrid,
naked and in cold cells, she was beaten some more. Her body was
wetted down and she was shocked with cattleprods, and the soles of
her feet were beaten, and she was raped with a broomstick.
Throughout the experience she was being insulted and screamed at
by Spanish police officials.
At his court appearance, Ortega described a similar experience,
except he was not raped. Their lawyer, Francisca Villalba,
vigorously denounced the torture and called a police doctor as a
witness. The doctor testified that the prisoners injuries were
consistent with their testimony of being tortured.
Despite the torture, neither Dieguez nor Ortega made any
incriminating statements and both were freed by the Spanish court
that handles political cases for a lack of evidence. The judge
said he would give further consideration as to what he would do
about the prisoners being tortured. If past experience is any
guide, nothing will be done. Torture of political dissidents in
Spain, England, France, Turkey and other NATO countries is well
documented. Some countries, including Spain and England, operate
military and paramilitary death squads that routinely kill
political dissidents. Again, nothing is done.
The most startling thing about these events is the deafening
silence from the so-called human rights community. Where are the
denunciations of the Spanish government for their arrest and
torture of political dissidents? Some groups like Amnesty
International claim to oppose the torture of all prisoners,
regardless of political views. Yet when communists are being raped
and tortured in "democracies" nothing is said and less is
done.--From Prison Legal News, May 1993
-30-
NORMA JEAN CROY
Norma Jean Croy is a Native American woman from the Shasta Nation,
in Northern California, who has spent the last 14 years in prison
for a murder she did not commit.
In Yreka county, July of 1978, Norma Jean Croy, her brother
Patrick Hooty Croy and three other relatives stopped at a
convenience store before going hunting outside of town. The store
clerk accused them of theft. Soon after, Yreka police chased
their car as they headed out of town. When the car stopped, Norma
and her companions ran away. Police fired, hitting Norma in the
back. Norma's cousin Darrell was also shot as he stood up to
surrender. Hooty was shot in the back twice before he turned
around and fired one shot from the .22 hunting rifle, which
fatally struck the officer.
Norma and her four companions were charged with first degree
murder of the police officer and related offenses. Norma and
Hooty were convicted on all counts, even though there was no
evidence that Norma fired any weapon. Hooty was sentenced to
death; Norma life in prison.
The California Supreme Court reversed Hooty's conviction in 1985.
Norma's appeal was denied by a lower appellate court. Hooty was
retried in San Francisco in 1990, and was acquitted of all charges
on the grounds of self defense. As of 1992, Norma was denied
parole for the fifth time. The parole board refuses to hear
evidence of her innocence that had been presented at Hooty's
retrial.
To get involved contact:
Norma Jean Croy Defense Committee
473 Jackson Street 3rd Floor
San Francisco, CA 94111
Norma Jean Croy
CCWF #14293
PO Box 1508
Chowchilla, CA 93610
-30-
JONATHAN PAUL FREE!
On the morning of April 9, after 158 days of captivity,
environmental and animal liberation activist Jonathan Paul was
freed! In Nov of 1992 he was arrested for refusing to testify at a
Federal Grand Jury hearing in Spokane Washington. The feds were
(and are) investigating the activities of the Animal Liberation
Front.
While Jonathan is free, another person involved in the case was
arrested. In April, journalist Rik Scarce was held in contempt of
court. He was immediately released on his own recognizance,
pending appeal. In March he refused to answer 32 questions in
front of a Grand Jury who was investigating the Aug 1991 ALF
break- in at Washington State University. In April, he refused to
answer three more questions. On each question, Scarce refused to
answer on First Amendment "free press grounds", because answering
would violate the American Sociological Association Code of
Ethics. He was arrested on May 14. You can show your support by
writing to Acting US Attorney to demand his release.
East District of Washington
POB 1494 Spokane WA 99210
Write directly to Rik at W 1100 Mallon Spokane WA. 99260
-30-
ANARCHIST INSTITUTIONALIZED
James Peper, anarchist protester, has been sent to Atascadero
State Hospital for the Insane for "evaluation" after being held in
jail for five months awaiting trial. He could be held at the
hospital for up to three years before seeing a judge again for
sentencing! Peper was arrested during the anti-Columbus Day Black
Bloc in San Francisco last October. He is charged with numerous
felonies relating to firebombs. Show your support by writing and
calling him, and sending donations for his legal defense.
Write to: James Peper, PO Box 7001,
Alascader CA 99429-7001 (805)461-2000
James Peper Legal Defense Fund
C/O Slingshot
UCB 200 Eshelman Hall
Berkeley CA 94702
-30-
PORTLAND KNOWS THEIR ABCs
Prison support became our first project at Rosebud Commons; a
major unifying factor for us so early in our development. As a
Resource collective, we try to solve every problem presented to us
in the best way we know; by collective effort.
The need for prisoner support came in January when three of our
collaborators were guests of the "Nine Bar Hotel." One womyn was
serving a ten day sentence for polishing a cop's badge with
spittle. The other two were nailed for old warrants. One got time
served for the heinous crime of stealing a pair of socks. Our
other comrade, a womyn in her early 20s facing extradition and a
possible four year sentence (even though she had no priors), not
that that makes a difference to the "Blue Meanies." Hey, equal
justice for all.
This was when we really pulled together and our methods varied
with time. The jail where our comrade was being detained had an
internal mailing system consisting of horrible, phosphorescent,
pink slips. We created a constant flood of Inmate Memo Forms. Most
escaped the mark of the censor.
Our compadre was able to pin-point a visual rendezvous sight for
us. It was a clear shot of vision for both parties. From a
parking lot roof, we were able to see our friend in her cell and
try to comfort her with visual aids. Some asshole spray-painted
FUCK THE POLICE and one of those @ things. Some people.. Our
comrade was later to tell us that much to her delight, she watched
the maintenance people try to remove it from the wall, with no
luck. Her response to them failing was, "you can't get rid of us
that easily." The spray paint was later sandblasted off.
Others tried various forms of entertainment. Most consisted of
Autonomous Acrobats & The Flying Sam Beanies. Street theater-style
pantomime consisted of acrobatic formations of the circle A. An
inconspicuous black flag was also tied to the parking structure.
The peak of the theatrical season happened when, one night, a US
battle flag got the roast. Just as it settled to the ground in a
flaming, plastic glory, the rent-a-pigs took chase. The jail went
wild. Prisoners who were also enjoying the show started yelling
and shouting at the security guards. Things like, "You ain't never
gonna catch them!"
Needless to say, most people chose to close the Season early. We
focused in on the more traditional ways of prisoner support.
There is the ever present need of money when dealing with the
prison system. Prisoners need money on the inside for basic
materials, ie stamps and envelopes. Money is needed for lawyers
and media exposure. In most cases, the family can use the support,
financially as well as emotionally.
Also, keep a constant check on how the prisoner is doing. And
what the "system thugs" are doing. Make sure the meal
requirements, ie. vegi meals, are dealt with as soon as possible
(even in the case of a hunger strike). This can take time, seeing
as how they want proof that you don't eat flesh. Interestingly
enough, this time we had to go through the prison chaplin for his
dietary blessings.
Court support is more a form of solidarity than anything else.
Just to physically be in the court for all cases is great. The
court room will sometimes be the only place you'll get to see the
prisoner. This will also give you the captive opportunity to speak
with the lawyers on the case. Make sure the defendants lawyer is
in contact with the client on a regular basis. It is common
practice for lawyers to take advantage of prisoners' isolation.
Make them do what they are paid for. Some lawyers even get off on
the whole "political game" of it. My favorite part of it is being
the dark cloud over the shitty public defender's golf game.
Putting the whole affair in the eyes of the public is the best
tactic. Handing out flyers outside the prison or court is a must.
Alerting the media, whether sympathetic or not, is par for the
course. Just remember, the thing that can hurt "the bastards" the
most is turning on the lights.
Rosebud Commons, 1951 W. Burnside Box 1928 PDX, OR 97209
-30-
INTERNATIONAL SECTION
FIRE THIEVES: NEW ANARCHIST MAGAZINE IN TURKEY
Istanbul--This is a greeting from Ates Hirsizi (Fire Thief), a
recently- begun anarchist monthly published in Turkish and Kurdish
in Istanbul. The back page will be published in English and other
languages, to acquaint the rest of the world with their
activities.Turkey, Middle East and as a whole our region with its
various social problems and deep contradictions, comes at the very
beginning of the fight fields of the world geography. We are right
in the middle of such a pleasant instability, in which all these
complex relations contradict and meet each other. Unlike any other
region in the world, this is a place where a palace pomp and
street poverty live face to face and which is why this is the
place where a social hate and anger can upsurge more easily
against such open, obvious and bold mastery. This Middle East and
Front Asia Geography, where traditional life can still blossom
despite the industrial pliers, is a permanent and important area
for the anarchist social movement.
So this is the place where we were born. From here we salute the
revolutionaries, anarchists of the whole world, with all our
warmest and heartfelt feelings.
We as the ones who aimed to carry the 200-year-old anarchist
struggle tradition to the Middle East, are aiming a
multi-dimensional world. Of course, that insists a high level of
cultural richness as well as a hard ideological, philosophical
moral and political fight. For sure, the mission is to be equipped
enough at all these levels. Because we are not after temporary
zeals and short-lived hobbies. We want a permanent, free life now.
Therefore we need a wide range of material and cultural sources,
any kind of equipment and so many volunteers of freedom fighters
from every part of the world. States, borders, and languages
cannot barricade the road to meet on a joint struggle and to
construct a communal life. Let us refuse our consciousness which
has been "trained" for centuries.
Belonging to no nation, we a handful of revolutionaries have given
our hearts to be the fire thieves of the freedom struggle, against
the authorities that have deep roots in such a hard region where
blood and death prevails.
Fire thieves need various publications and other communication
materials for finding out their demands, aims and their sense of
life freely and to pose their voice sufficiently and in every
language. Ates Hirsizi was born as a result of this concrete need
but is also a notice board where all freedom fighters can leave
their messages.
Ates Hirsizi Aylik Politik Dergi Klodfarer Cad.
Dr. Sevki Bey Sk.No. 4/2 Sultanamhet ISTANBUL TURKEY
-30-
EAST TIMOR: THE RESISTANCE CONTINUES
[Presented by Constancio Pinto Executive Secretary for the
Clandestine Front National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM)
Tour of North America, April, 1993.]
I was twelve years old when the Indonesian military invaded my
country. I fled to the mountains with my family and, for three
years, hid in the jungle. We had little food, no medicine, and no
weapons to defend ourselves, with but we were not alone. Thousands
of East Timorese families had fled into the mountains like us to
escape the terror of the invasion; others fled to Australia or
Portugal as refugees. During those years in the mountains, people
were dying all around me. Many were killed by the Indonesian
military; others died more slowly through starvation or disease.
It is hard for me to describe those years, but I can still see the
Skyhawks and Bronco AV10 aircraft that the Indonesians used in
their attempts to eliminate us. As you probably know, those
aircraft are manufactured in the United States. When I was fifteen
years old I went to the front line as a guerrilla fighter. At that
time, the Indonesians controlled all the food producing areas and
people were starving in the mountains. We were fighting to protect
and feed them -- as well as for our right to self determination.
[...]
I finished school in 1988 and became a teacher of religion. This
was my cover for my work in the resistance. I sent food and
medicine to the fighters still in the mountains and kept them
informed about what was happening in Dili and the other towns and
villages occupied by the Indonesian army. I also monitored what
was happening abroad. One of my main tasks however was to develop
the civilian resistance by uniting all the independent groups
resisting the Indonesian occupation. I began this work in 1986
with a small cell of seven people. Our code was 007! The umbrella
organization at the time was known as the Revolutionary Council of
National Resistance (CRRN). In 1989, CRRN was transformed into
CNRM -- the National Council of Maubere Resistance. In effect,
CNRM is a non-partisan clandestine coalition of all East Timorese
nationalist groups including student organizations, our army
Falantil plus the two major political parties Fretilin and
UDT.[...]
At this time, the leader of the resistance was Xanana Gusmao, a
hero to a whole generation of young East Timorese both inside East
Timor and in the diaspora. He was captured by the Indonesian
military on Nov 20, 1992 and is still on trial in Dili. The
Indonesians caught and arrested me on the morning of Jan 25, 1991,
my birthday. I told them I would never forget the birthday
present they gave me -- for, after the police had finished with me
at the station, I had blood coming out of my nose, my ears, my
eyes and my mouth. My body was swollen all over.
The beating continued from 9 o'clock on the morning I was arrested
until 10 o'clock at night. They stripped me, and after every
question they kicked and punched me all over and jabbed me with
their outstretched hands in the abdomen to purposely cause damage
to my internal organs. They beat me even while I was bleeding.
They repeatedly threatened to kill me, to throw me into the sea.
They threatened my family too. They said that if I didn't tell
them what I was doing and where Xanana was, they would harm my
parents and my wife. They told me I would be responsible for
whatever happened to them. After the beating at the police
station, I was transferred to Senopato II prison where I was
interrogated by Captain Edy Suprianto and Lieutenant Colonel
Gatot, the head of intelligence in East Timor. That interrogation
continued for four days non-stop. When they finished with me, they
threw me in a cell alone. There were thirteen other East Timorese
political prisoners in that prison while I was there. [...]
On 29 Oct, the Indonesian army ambushed Motael church in Dili and
killed Sebastiao Gomes, a 22 year old student who had sought
sanctuary there. Soldiers surrounded the church, broke into it and
shot Sebastiao in the stomach. He bled to death on the steps of
the church.
I was to be next. The military knew of my role in the resistance
because they had forced some of the detainees to admit, under
torture, that I was still their leader. I could not even say
goodbye to my wife nor my parents and I have not seen them since
that day. [...]
We held the demonstration on Nov 12, 1991, a week after
Sebastiao's funeral. It is our custom to remember our dead seven
days after the funeral by placing flowers on the grave. In Tetun
we call it ai funan midar which means "sweet flowers." The
mourners not only brought flowers but banners too which they hid
underneath their jackets then unfurled as they marched to the
cemetery. Many believed the presence of foreign journalists would
protect them from the direct vengeance of the Indonesian military.
Our plan was to demonstrate peacefully. None of the marchers did
anything to provoke the Indonesian troops. But, as they passed one
of the government buildings, the police agents provocateurs began
throwing rocks, breaking windows and beating the demonstrators
with sticks. When they arrived at the cemetery, it seemed like the
Indonesian military had prepared an ambush. One, two, maybe five
minutes after the marchers had entered the cemetery gates, the
military opened fire. I was hiding in a house 500 meters away and
could not see what was happening. But I heard the gun shots and
screaming. I also saw the Indonesians throw the dead and wounded
onto trucks for the drive to the military hospital. There were
seven trucks.[...]
Between December and February I collected the names of people who
had been killed at the cemetery or had died from injuries received
that day. Our official death toll was 271. Many more are still
unaccounted for. If you have seen the television coverage from
that massacre, you will know that the demonstrators were mostly
young people, East Timor's future. Their murder is further
evidence of the genocide the Indonesian military is committing
against our people. After the Santa Cruz massacre, my photograph
was circulated throughout East Timor and Indonesia on state-run
television and in the press. I was a hunted man.[...] I eventually
escaped by car to Kupang in West Timor, and from there travelled
to Jakarta where I remained in hiding for a further five months. I
arrived in Lisbon in early Nov 1992 to continue my work for the
East Timorese resistance in exile. I am now CNRM's representative
in Portugal. Not long after I arrived in Lisbon, Xanana Gusmao was
captured in Dili. (Nov 20, 1992.) At that moment many people
thought his capture marked the end of the resistance in East
Timor. But I would like to tell you that the struggle does not
depend on just one person: it depends on the determination of the
East Timorese people. Xanana's successor Mau Huno has now also
been arrested -- but again he is just one man.[...]
Like all East Timorese, I've suffered many difficulties since
Indonesia invaded my country in 1975. I don't want my son, whom I
have never seen, to have to go through what my generation and my
parents' generation have been through. Unless the international
community acts decisively to facilitate an internationally
supervised act of self-determination in East Timor, I'm afraid the
pattern of the past seventeen years will be repeated over and over
again: resistance to Indonesian occupation, intimidation by the
Indonesian military, atrocities against the Timorese people. More
resistance, more intimidation, more atrocities. I don't want my
child to have to go through that, nor anyone else's child. And I
want to be able to see my wife and my son some day.
Constancio Pinto is one of five East Timorese who came to North
America in April 1993 to talk about the future of their occupied
country.
For info contact: Charles Scheiner, Coordinator
East Timor Action Network/US
P.O. Box 1182
White Plains, New York 10602
Tel (914) 428-7299 fax (914) 428-7383
email: cscheiner@igc.apc.org Compuserve:74670,3530
-30-
UPDATE: AWARENESS LEAGUE IN NIGERIA
According to a recent letter from the Awareness League, an
anarcho-syndicalist group in Nigeria, the political situation in
that country continues to worsen. Workers began striking
nationwide during the last week of January against a background of
worsening economic conditions. With each passing day there is
growing apprehension that General Babngida will proclaim himself
President-for-Life. Recently a tribunal sentenced six opposition
elements on trumped up charges. The men were sentenced for
immediate execution.
The Awareness League members who were imprisoned (and who were
released on bail awaiting further proceedings in the midst of an
international campaign coordinated by Neither East Nor West and
Workers Solidarity Alliance from NY) are still required to report
daily to the Nigerian Secret Police, State Security Service (SSS).
Efforts to reintegrate the comrades into society after their
seven-month imprisonment continue, but they are still very ill.
Financial support for the Awareness League is still needed, as the
legal persecution by the Nigerian authorities continues. Over
$1800 has been raised so far, but their lawyer still needs to be
paid. This money can literally save their lives. For more
information or contributions contact:
WSA, 339 Lafayette St., Rm 202, NYC 10012 tel (212) 979-8353
or:
Awareness League c/o Samuel Mbah
PO Box 28 Agbani, Enugu State, Nigeria
-30-
ANARCHY IN JAPAN: 1992 - MARCH 1993
Excerpted from W@rrior, Newsletter from Revolutionary Anarchists
in Kyoto, Japan
14 Jun / Kyoto
Meeting and rally against dispatch of SDF (Self Defense Force)
overseas under the name of UN Peace Keeping Operations. Militant
anarchists clashed with police forces on the street.
2 Oct / Osaka
Riot in the workers' town of Kumagasaki. Workers' anger exploded
against the local city council and police. Cars were burned. Fire
bombs were thrown. An anarchist was arrested.
30 Oct/ Tokyo
Protest action against Peruvian embassy appealing the release for
Andres Villaverde was made by the group GICRAV (formed by
ARP).Before dawn, embassy has been attacked with a fire bomb.
11 Feb / Kyoto
A meeting and rally impeaching "National Foundation
Day."Anti-militarist/-racist/ -monarchist, and anarchist and
radical activists joined. Kyoto local government authorities and
financiers are going to celebrate 1094 as "1200th anniversary of
the historical foundation of Kyoto." The previous capital of Japan
was founded under bloody conquest and invasion of several regional
nations including the people of Yezo, Hayato, and Ainu, among
others. ARP is calling for an action against this stupid
"celebration." Smash the 1200 years of massacre!!
11 Feb / Kyoto
The statement to the Nigerian government was announced in the
names of ARP RRU/IWA KANSAI, ABC(Kyoto) and Takeru Kurori (member
of the Anarchist Federation) which demanded the release of four
members of the Awareness League who were arrested last year.
11-16 Mar / Kyoto
Series of actions were made against the Kyoto Local Prefectual
Government who placed a bill of municipal ordinance intending to
regulate the use of microphones at public places and even on the
streets.
Thursday, the 11th, at the hall of the Pref Assembly, anarchists
chanted and unfolded a banner reading "Death to the Law!!" and
"Smash the Suppression!!!"
Five of the anarchist and radicals were violently evicted from the
gallery by the heavily mobilized guards. It was the first time in
40 years that anyone was excluded from the hall. Anarchists and
radicals engaged in protest actions when the Tokyo Metropolitan
Assembly enacted the same ordinance last November).
-30-
Continued in Part 3...
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Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
LOVE AND RAGE
Revolutionary Anarachist Newspaper
Electronic Edition
Volume 4, Number 3
June/July, 1993
Part 3 of 3
A GOOD YEAR FOR THE KURDISH RESISTANCE
Nineteen ninety two was a decisive year for the Kurdish liberation
struggle, particularly in Northwest Kurdistan. The Workers Party
of Kurdistan (PKK) and the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan
(ERNK) have been instrumental in developing this struggle, and
their strength and ability to achieve this is a measure of support
they have from the Kurdish people. One of the clearest examples of
this occurs during the celebrations of the Kurdish New year --
Newroz -- every March. This year, like many before it, saw Newroz
celebrations in many Kurdish cities and towns turn into militant
demonstrations in support of the PKK and the struggle to free and
reunite all parts of occupied Kurdistan. The Turkish state
responded with brutal attacks on the Kurdish people -- dozens were
killed and thousands were detained under martial law for many
days.[...]
The Special War Means a "Scorched Earth" Policy
The attack on Sirnak was a turning point in the war for national
liberation, as repression by the Turkish state has clearly shifted
from its "Special War" counter-insurgency operations to all-out
war. This escalation has manifested itself in a 'scorched earth'
policy which has seen the razing of towns and cities such as Kulp,
Varto, Hani, and Cizre and others. The second and even more brutal
attack on Sirnak in August has been by far the clearest example of
Turkish atrocities against the Kurdish people. Starting Aug 18,
1992, Turkish forces blocked all roads in and out of Sirnak and
went on a three-day rampage, claiming that the town was controlled
by 1500 ARGK guerrillas (the People's Liberation Army, the
military wing of the PKK). [...] Seventy percent of the city was
destroyed and many people were left homeless and destitute. There
were no guerrilla units in the city. At present the city is
devastated and many of its inhabitants have become refugees.
Rebuilding efforts are under way but due to the continued Turkish
presence and repression those efforts are proceeding slowly.
While the army has been carrying out a full-scale warfare, it has
also continued to carry out a variety of counter-insurgency
operations. Contraguerrillas have been organized to assassinate
sympathetic journalists and politicians, PKK militants and the
supporters of the Kurdish liberation struggle. This has included
the assassination of writer/journalist Huseyin Deniz and of Musa
Anter, who was a journalist with the progressive newspaper Ozgur
Gundem and a noted writer considered by many to be the "grand old
man of Kurdish culture." He was the fifth journalist from this
newspaper to be assassinated in 1992. In an obvious show of
contempt for their deaths, Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel stated
that "these are not the journalists you think they are. They are
all militants." In other words, in the view of the Turkish
government, their deaths were justified. On June 11,
contraguerrillas took 15 Kurdish patriots off a bus which was
returning from Hizan and executed them. [...]
Arbitrary detentions and mass arrests of Kurdish militants and
activists continue to be used to quell dissent and support for an
independent Kurdistan. On Sept 25, 11 members of the People's
Labour Party (HEP) were arrested on the orders of the National
Security Council -- which includes the Prime Minister, Army chiefs
and certain cabinet members. The HEP is a progressive political
party which supports Kurdish rights; in the 19
91 elections, it
elected 22 Kurdish MPs to parliament. The arrest of the HEP
members was based on the view of the National Security Council
that it would take "legal measures against those democratic
institutions and media which support separatism and work against
the unity state structure and thus have no constitutional or legal
basis."[...]
Kurdish Collaborators with Turkish Colonialism
In Iraqi-occupied Kurdistan the two leading political forces in
the region, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the
Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iraq (KDP), have consistently shown
themselves to the be the enemies of an independent Kurdistan. They
have arrested, tortured and killed PKK supporters and members,
turned them over to the Turkish military, and passed on
information about PKK activities to Turkish and imperialist agents
who they allow to operate in south Kurdistan. In response to this,
the ARGK imposed an embargo on the border trade at the
Turkish-Iraqi frontier on July 29. This was not aimed at the
Kurdish people in the south but against the joint trade carried
out between the Turkish state and the KDP. Instead the PKK wishes
to forge better economic, social and political ties between the
people of north and south Kurdistan without the interference of
the Turkish state and its KDP-PUK collaborators.
The KDP-PUK retaliated by coordinating with the Turkish military,
an offensive against PKK/ARGK bases in south Kurdistan in October.
Heavy clashes occurred between ARGK guerrillas and KDP-PUK
peshmergas (Kurdish name for "guerrilla") in Lolan, Sheranis,
Batufa, Zakho, Haftanin and other areas. When the fighting began
many peshmergas refused to fight against their own people and a
number went over to the ARGK side. Also, splits began to occur
within the KDP-PUK forces with the resignation of ministers from
both parades who stated that the "clashes only helped the Turkish
state." On Oct 22, the PKK was able to prove conclusively that the
collaboration was taking place between KDP-PUK forces and the
Turkish military. In an ARGK raid on a meeting of KDP-PUK
commanders, seized documents confirmed that a trilateral committee
existed which directed the operations of the peshmergas. This
committee was composed of one PUK commander, a KDP commander and a
senior Turkish military major who had direct access to the Turkish
High Command who were directing military operations.
During the initial offensive, ARGK forces were on the defensive,
facing heavy attacks in many areas. Despite rumours by the media
of a withdrawal and surrender, the ARGK/PKK did not lose any
ground, and, towards the end of October, were able to mount an
offensive. In early November the PKK announced the lifting of the
embargo on border trade after a political settlement with the
forces of the KDP-PUK. Terms of the settlement allowed the
ARGK/PKK to continue to operated freely in south Kurdistan --
clearly showing the inability of the KDP-PUK/Turkish military
forces to achieve their desired goal.
The Struggle Moves Forward
Despite massive repression by the Turkish state of the Kurdish
people, the liberation struggle continues to grow. On a military
level, the ARGK continues to carry out many effective and
sometimes spectacular actions against the Turkish military and
police forces. For example, on Sept 29, 1250 ARGK guerrillas
simultaneously attacked three Turkish military garrisons in the
Semdinli region. The attack, which lasted for over seven hours,
completely destroyed the garrisons as well as killing close to 500
Turkish soldiers. They also shot down a helicopter and captured
numerous weapons while suffering minimal losses. On Nov 10, they
attacked the main military garrison in the town of Hani. The 200
ARGK guerrillas who used rockets and mortars during the attack,
completely destroyed the garrison when they hit the ammunition
dump. When military reinforcements entered the town, they were
attacked by the guerrillas who destroyed four tanks and two
armoured personnel carriers. Once again the ARGK suffered minimal
losses while over 100 soldiers and police were killed during the
attack. Their most recent action, on Dec 14, saw a raid on the
Special Forces headquarters in Diyarbakir which resulted in the
death of 27 police officers. At the same time an ARGK unit
ambushed a military convoy on the road from Hani to Diyarbakir.
[...]
Future?
As the situation intensifies in Northwest Kurdistan, support for
the PKK and Kurdish liberation struggle increases correspondingly
to growing Turkish state repression.[...]
After the Gulf War and the break-up of the Soviet Union, Turkey
has set its sights on becoming the major power in the Middle East
as well as extending its influence throughout the region. While
denying that it plans to annex the Turkish-speaking republics of
the former Soviet Union, Turkey is making economic and political
overtures to, among others, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. [...]
As the world situation increasingly shifts to a "North/South"
confrontation, Turkey assumes the role of a frontline in
imperialist domination. Clearly then, the Kurdish liberation
struggle poses a serious obstacle to the implementation of
imperialism's "New World Order." The formation of an independent
Kurdistan would not only seriously disrupt -- and perhaps even
destroy -- the Turkish state but it would also destabilize the
entire region as uprisings by Kurdish people in Iran, Iraq and
Syria would most likely be occurring at the same time. Further,
the liberation of the Kurdish nation would be a powerful example
and signal for the other colonized people in the region,
particularly the Palestinians. Of course, Turkey and its
imperialist allies cannot allow this to happen and will use any
force necessary to crush the Kurdish liberation struggle.
For us, concrete solidarity with the Kurdish struggle means
building resistance here in the imperialist centers and opposing
its aggression by any means necessary.
Excerpted from Arm The Spirit No. 14/15 Aug-December 1992
-30-
KILLER COPS
Late this spring over the space of a week, three people in France
were shot in the head by the Police. In the early hours of March
31, A 17 year-old Zairian was detained in Paris after allegedly
stealing two packs of cigarettes from a bar. During questioning,
an inspector took out his gun (supposedly to "frighten" the teen)
put it to the suspect's head, and shot him. Authorities assured
that the inspector would be "sanctioned".
The following sunday an 18-year-old French youth died in the town
of Chambiry (Saboya) after being shot in the head by the cop who
was handcuffing him.
On Wednesday, the 7th of April, another 17 year-old was shot and
seriously wounded in the head by the cops who were pursuing him in
Wattrelos.
-30-
THEY GOT IT GOING ON IN CZECH REPUBLIC
The Black Hand Foundation is a non-profit, independent
organization established to promote alternative culture and
responsible social values. They suport non-profit social
organizations, provide an opportunity for alternative cultural
activities, provide drug abuse prevention and education focusing
on helping and rehabilitating; suport anti-racist, anti-classist
and anti-discrimination organizations, vegan lifestyles and
anti-vivisection groups; support family planning, sex education,
children's rights, and the fight against sexism.
The Prague-Dejvice Center is the first social center established
by the Black Hand in the former Czechoslovakia. It was
established in a former school located in Prague. Other cultural
ceters in other parts of the country are planned.
A repressive, Communist-era riot law is currently being used
against Czech animal liberation activists. The law states that if
you hurt or injure anyone while disrupting a public meeting or
ceremony, you're engaging in riot, and can be sentenced to up to
two years.
On Oct 11, 1992 there was a big protest against horse racing in
the town of Pardubice, where horse racing is a tradition going
back 100 years, in which many horses have died. Last year was the
biggest demonstration against racing ever, with over 700 people
taking part. The protestors were pushed out of the stadium and
hunted in the forest on horses with dogs. Seven high police
officials were fired, but almost all of the witnesses are now
charged with riot. This is just one example of the use of riot
charges against activists.
If you can offer support contact:
Petr Bergmann c/o Black Hand,
Kafkova 9, Praha 6-16000 / Czech Republic
-30-
STRATEGY: MOVING TOWARDS REVOLUTION
strat `e gy -- n. 1. the skillful employment and coordination of
tactics; 2. artful planning and management-- Webster Dictionary
We put out a general call for articles relating to "strategy." We
were interested in hearing about why people do the work they're
doing and how it fits into their conception of strategy for
bringing about revolution. What are people's goals? Long term,
short term? What is strategy? Where do we get one?
The following articles are a sampling of written works by
individuals and collectives in the anarchist movement. Two of the
articles were reprinted from Free Society's Special Strategy
Issue, which contains many other contributions to the discussion
as well. We hope to run more articles in the future on this
subject. But in the mean time here's a few to chew on. Hope you
like em!
-- Towards Revolution,
Dema and Gene of the Production Group
PITCHFORK: PLANS WITH PRONGS
AWOL is an anarchist activist collective working in Mnpls. Many of
us were members (as well as initiators) of the Youth Greens, (YGs)
which is now defunct. The YGs, the majority of whom identified as
eco-anarchists and/or Social Ecologists, were organized around
democratically written principles such as anti-capitalism,
Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual liberation, anti-racism and ethnic identity,
(social) eco-feminism and others. Being a local of the YGs allowed
us to have a certain amount of political coherence from the
beginning.
The following is a strategy we've developed over the two-and-some
years we've been working together. There are four key elements:
Direct Action, Study, Internal Democracy/Identity Politics and
Counter Institutions. These are four prongs of the PITCHFORK
we've used to jab the booty of power. While we don't consider this
to be a coherent, mapped out program, we do see it as an active,
democratic process by which we can contribute to the development
of a long term, viable revolutionary strategy.
DIRECT ACTION
At every stage of social struggle, direct action plays a crucial
role. Even reform within the system has always come from below.
All the gains of the labor movement in the 1930s were made
possible by a movement of militants who carried out strikes,
walk-outs and occupations. The struggle for freedom of
African-Americans, women and queer people were ignited in the
streets by courageous people who were going to make the system
deal with them on their terms. In movements of total social
upheaval,such as the Spanish Revolution, people have taken not
only the streets, but the factories, armories, communication
centers and other critical sites to keep power out of the hands of
the state and private capitalists. Direct action has and always
will be an essential part of all social movements.
However, this idea of demonstrating in the streets can, like
anything else, turned into safe, liberal and ineffective
expressions of "first amendment rights." We've probably all been
to boring demos, in which we were herded around by a bunch of
liberals and/or commies, forced to listen to some really
uninspiring people, and then sent home when our "resisting" was
done. This can be one of the more disempowering experiences anyone
can have.
But direct action can be an extremely imaginative process or event
and doesn't have to be like the model above. Any action -- be it
street theater, a puke-in, a big demo, or anything else -- can be
organized around non-hierarchical and democratic principles. In
this way it gives us the chance to practice and experiment with
ideas we have about what a free society looks like, and at the
same informing and transforming those ideas.
Action also shows that there is resistance. This is important not
only because it tells the powers that be that we are here, but it
tells the average citizen that there are alternatives. A small
street theater piece can convey ideas (not only about life but
art) to a lot of people.
Autonomous action should be encouraged by groups and individuals
within demonstrations so that a more spontaneous situation will be
created by participants. While planning actions, discussions
should take place about what affinity groups are (small autonomous
groups that take action and watch out for each other) and how not
to alienate people who are new to this kind of demonstration. In
actions or marches called by other groups, anarchists should
participate in planning or participating as anarchists, using our
creativity, making a new world on the streets.
STUDY
Revolutionary social movements must be informed by understandings
of history, of present conditions and ideas about, what we want
for the future. An anarchist movement especially needs to inform
itself of how power operates; how it shapes society; and how it
has affected our own understanding of the world. In this way,
theory is the process of self-education. For radicals, this
education is not for the production of knowledge for its own sake,
but knowledge in the service of changing the world. As it is, the
prevailing ideas in this society are the ones that justify
capitalism, patriarchy, the nation-state, racism and in fact the
whole structure of a brutally hierarchical and anti-ecological
society. These ideas are so deeply entrenched in our own psyches
that they are not always obvious, even to those of us who claim to
be for revolutionary change. Part of our role is to do the often
difficult intellectual labor necessary to expose ways of thinking,
while providing new ideas that we attempt to work out in practice.
In this process of education we must be self-critical and willing
to let our understanding evolve. Precisely the moment we think we
have it all figured out is the point at which our ideas become
rigid dogma and our strategies a stale blueprint. Forms of
oppression and new identities will always emerge that will
challenge our basic assumptions, the way social movements such as
Black liberation, second wave of feminism, Lesbian/Gay liberation,
ecology and others challenged traditional ways of leftist ideas
between the late 1950s and early 70s. Just as important, the
nature of domination itself is always shifting and changing forms,
leaving us with no easy explanations of how, for instance,
capitalism in the late 20th century works and what is the best way
to intervene.
AWOL's approach to all of this is to do collective study, both as
an educational component of our meetings and in independent study
groups. Sometimes we have chosen ideas to peruse, other times
circumstances have forced them on us. Often it is really hard to
figure out how to approach a subject, find the time to study in a
committed way, and to deal with different levels of theoretical
knowledge, gender and class issues and other problems. What we
are up against is a society that attempts to keep everyone
uncritical and save theory for a privileged group of white males.
However, by trying to work out those things, we have demystified
theory ourselves and achieved a much greater democracy as well as
intimacy in the group. We think it is equally important to get
ideas out into the world, so we write propaganda as a group, or in
twos and threes, which gets read and critiqued by the group before
going out (like for instance, this article). In this way, no one
person or small cadre controls knowledge production or AWOL
strategy.
INTERNAL DEMOCRACY & IDENTITY POLITICS
Any time radicals work in any kind of diverse groups, subtle and
overt forms of domination are going to play themselves out. This
is the inevitable outcome of living in a hierarchical society. But
that doesn't make it acceptable or insurmountable. Fortunately,
for those of us on the short end of the oppression stick, our
privileged comrades are supposed to have a commitment to ending
all forms of hierarchy and domination, including their own
behavior. This is one of the real beauties of anarchism. Unlike
the traditional authoritarian left, oppressed people can't be
asked to subsume their needs and issues to the "greater good."
Take, for example, sexism. In AWOL, for a while men were doing
most of the mental labor. Once this is noticed as a problem it
seems like the solution is for women to just participate more.
That is where the whole thing can become completely destructive
and threaten the stability of the group. First of all it assumes
that women want and are able to participate "just like men."
Secondly, it assumes that complex and dynamic conflicts can have
bureaucratic solutions, ie every flyer must be produced by a man
and a women. (This kind of solution doesn't deal with the
particular dynamic between these two people and the way they have
been socialized to interact.)
What it boils down to are questions of power. Who has the power,
why and how they got it and how those without it can get some.
Women aren't going to participate if they haven't empowered
themselves to do so. They will not want to be a part of something
that doesn't incorporate their experiences and ideas. At the same
time, men must be willing to relinquish the roles they are used to
playing. We've been working on these problems in AWOL from the
very beginning, it is an on going project and a satisfying
process.
Beyond our individual groups, we should also support other social
movements that are identity-based and help them in their
struggles. Instead of asking others to join us, we should show our
support as anarchists in their struggles. We have to address the
needs of people who are marginalized if we want a movement that
substantially includes them. Anarchists (purists by definition)
don't have the easiest time working in coalitions or building
long-term, principled alliances, but that is what we have to do.
In that process, our ideas will inevitably change, as we further
confront our own racism, homophobia and sexism. And at the same
time we learn about struggle from people who have different
experiences with power, and different ideas with what they want to
do about it.
COUNTER-INSTITUTIONS
If we are going to take on this project of reshaping society, we
are also going to have to reshape ourselves, our social
relationships and our communities. Expecting to smash all forms of
hierarchy and domination and then have egalitarian social
structures magically pop up in their place (because humans at
heart are just darn good people) is not a strategy that is going
to work.
By creating and sustaining radical collectives and institutions
such as food co-ops, bookstores, day care, community gardens,
theaters, cafes or anything else, we create institutional space
that is much more on our own terms. These places become public
space where we can begin to practice democracy. Often these
institutions require us to deal with the marketplace or some state
regulation. But we can use them to advance other kinds of
oppositional practices, such as worker self-management, community
control, direct democracy and commitment to serve social movements
and help enfranchise oppressed communities and individuals.
It is crucial that such places don't become counter-culture
hangouts in the marketplace that cater to eco-consumers, yuppies
who like organic food. The idea is that counter-institutions
counter the onslaught of a market economy and an increasingly
authoritarian society. This means both an attempt to relate to the
communities around us, and to confederate with other
counter-institutions to take part in building a popular counter
power.
There may have been many revolutionary moments in history where
people have taken direct, democratic control over their lives from
which we can learn and get inspiration. From the Paris Commune, to
the communal peasant forms of organization in the Russian
Revolution, to the industrial and agrarian collectives during the
Spanish Revolution. There are also more recent examples to draw
from as well. The co-opt movement of the early 1970s in Mpls and
St Paul, built the largest number of worker-controlled cooperative
ventures in the US. This movement did not live up to its ideals
because of internal factionalism, pressures from the marketplace
and the turn away from politics to lifestylism by many people.
That doesn't negate the importance of that movement. What it does
do is give a realistic picture of the inherent limitations and
pitfalls of this kind of strategy.
People in AWOL have been involved in a couple of different
counter-institutions, the Powderhorn Co-op, a worker-managed,
community owned grocery, and the Emma Center, an anarchist
community space, both in South Mpls. Each of these spaces has its
own unique problems and take an enormous amount of energy to keep
going, but both give anarchism a public face in Mpls and allow us
to work out new relationships with each other while we also
counter the outside world.
CONCLUSION
For the sake of explanation we have broken these things down into
their little packages. But in actuality it's a much more dynamic
process. For instance, we are never just studying. We see a study
group as a counter-institution to the formal education system. We
may be studying the strategy and tactics of the Black liberation
movement of the early 1960s and 70s, and how they may be of use to
us today. While we are doing this we will be watching out for and
trying to overcome inequalities due to gender or class. All of
this helps to inform our decisions on where to take action and
when. Through trial and error, it is what we have collectively
arrived at. In this way the pitchfork has had a certain amount of
organic development. -- edited From Free Society, Winter 1993
-30-
ANARCHY, PUNK AND UTOPIA
To many readers of Profane Existence it must seem like the only
strategy the PE collective has is to sell our records and to
glorify violence against the state, and hell, it's partly true.
These activities are important parts of our diabolical attempt to
overthrow all systems of oppression and replace them with a world
of free punk gigs, unlimited supplies of home-brew and, er, oh
yeah, nonhierarchical and voluntary forms of political and
economic organization. However, there's also a bit more to the
reams of newsprint with the smudgy ink, the thousands of records
bought and sold, and the endless trips to the post office. The
output of Profane Existence (the magazine, the records, the
shirts, the distirbution, etc) and the way PE itself is organized
(as an anarchist collective) reflect two key parts of an anarchist
strategy we feel is necessary in the struggle to create a free,
equal and just world.
I. Collectives
Most people have a somewhat legitimate gripe when they say,
"Anarchy's a great idea but it will never work." Anarchy won't
work now because people still need to build the political and
historical conditions that make an anarchist society possible.
Despite our dreams, we don't believe that revolution will happen
overnight. Call us cynical. The Spanish Revolution didn't just pop
out of the sky into Spanish workers' and peasants' hands; they
built the revolution for over sixty years. Key to their struggle
was the formation of collectives. We see the formation of
revolutionary collectives as one of the best ways to create the
necessary bridges between the totalitarian society we live in
today and the free society we are working to build tomorrow.
There are two reasons why collectives can help build the necessary
historical and poliitcal conditions that make anarchist revolution
possible. First, collectives are small, efficient means of
organizing that provide practical examples of
counter-instituitions that are egalitarian, voluntary and
anti-authoritarian. Collectives work and they prove that anarchy
works, and that's one of the best weapons we have against both
captalism and the Marxist-Leninoid version of revolution.
Collectives demonstrate that people can organize their lives
together in democratic ways that do not oppress or exploit anyone
and that encourgage the full and free participation of people in
things that affect their everyday lives.
To smash capitalism and turn a rebellion (like LA's) into a
revolutionary struggle you have to show people an alternative to
the life they live now, an alternative that makes people willing
to give up what little they have for the possibility of a new
life.
You also have show people an alternative that encourages them to
organize their lives themselves instead of by some party or cult
figure.
The way we see it, any anarchist struggle will be a three cornered
fight among those who support the status quo, authoritarian
revolutionary types (socialist, Leninists, and other stateist
stooges), and anti-authoritarian revolutionaries who don't want to
liberate the masses but want the masses to liberate themselves. PE
places itself firmly in the third camp, but for this type of
strategy to succeed you have to present working alternatives to
capitalist and authoritarian Marxist forms of organization,
alternatives that people can build themselves instead of join or
follow. We think collectives are one of the most important
alternatives anti-authoritarian revolutionaries should present.
However, we don't want to advocate just any kind of collective.
China and the Soviet Union had collectives, but they were either
created or taken over by the state. In the Soviet Union, people
were forced to collectivise, and if they didn't, Stalin starved
them. That's not the kind of collectivization we're about. We're
about anarchist collectives -- collectives that are voluntary,
non-hierarchical, egalitarian, directly democratic, encourage the
full participation of all collective members, and engage in acts
of mutual aid with other revolutionary collectives. We're not
vanguardist. We fully believe the punk ethic of Do-It Yourself
(DIY) is a revolutionary ethic. If you want a free society, you
have to DIY. You have to form your own collective; don't join
ours. You have to work with other collectives while maintaining
your autonomy instead of being recruited into a party. Mass
struggle must be built from the ground up in a non-hierarchical,
democratic manner. Collectives are an excellent way to build this
kind of revolutionary anarchist struggle.
This brings us to our second point. As important as collectives
are, it's not enough just to build a collective and work within
it. To be a revolutionary collective you have to work with other
people, other networks and other collectives. In any anarchist
strategy, working with other collectives has to be seen as just as
important as work within the collective itself. If we all just
work alone, we are isolated and weak . If we all just join
together under the banners of "unity" and "mass struggle," we lose
our individuality and become just another head to count. However,
if we work together as tight-knit autonomous collectives that form
networks, federations and coalitions with other collectives,
communities, individuals, networks and federations, we are
powerful on a mass level while still retaining our identity.
Working with other collectives is important not only for building
connections that strengthen the anarchist movement, it's also
important because it helps break down the internal patterns of
racism, sexism, classism, homophobia and other hidden hierarchies
that can develop within a collective without members even
realizing it. Working with other collectives and/or people of
different backgrounds challenges us and the way we live and
organize within our collective as well as outside of it. When you
get together and work with other collectives, federations, etc.
all parties involved walk away changed. Coalitions aren't just the
sum of the number of groups involved, they alter the interests of
the groups themselves. Because the communication involved forces
people out of the protective shell a collective can develop if it
doesn't talk with other collectives. When something is so subtle
within your collective that no one recognizes it, getting a
perspective from the outside helps a lot.
II. Propaganda
Obviously, another key to anarchist strategy for Profane Existence
is propaganda. Propaganda helps spread our ideas to people who
might not have ever even considered them before. For example, one
important part of the magazine is to challenge dogmatic beliefs
that serve to strengthen the present power structure, beliefs such
as "fascists deserve free speech and freedom to assemble too," and
"some cops are good, some cops are bad," and other such liberal
nonsense. We don't expect our articles, essays and rants to change
anyone's mind overnight, but we do want people to know that these
ideas aren't god-given or "natural," and that there is a struggle
going on about beliefs like these that most people take for
granted. "Not everyone buys into the ruling class ideology; we
just thought you should know," we say.
Further, propaganda also helps the collective because the
criticisms we receive from stuff that we publish or distribute
challenges us to defend our views and change them where necessary.
PE has become a lot stronger due to the feminist and anti-racist
critiques that revealed the straight white male attitude that
often prevailed (and still creeps in, despite our best efforts) in
the magazine. Propaganda inevitably breeds criticism; the
collective uses that criticism to grow and change.
A lot of people criticize the magazine because they say we
romanticize violence and that we exaggerate the struggles we
cover. They are right; we do romaniticize violence against the
state and the ruling class, and we do sometimes exaggerate
peoples' struggles against injustice. However, we also have a
reason, for romaniticizing this sort of stuff shows people --
especially people who live in places that are generally isolated
from revolutionary activity -- that people are struggling against
unjust forms of power all over the world, and that sometimes these
people win. An anarchist movement needs that. We need to know that
victories against hierarchy are possible and that they do happen,
even if they don't lead us straight into a revolutioary situation.
Romanticization also challenges the media's claim to "objective
truth" in reporting. We believe that the idea of objective truth
is bullshit. History happens, but the belief that you can describe
or interpret history exactly as it happened is a lie. Those who
are in power are also those who usually get to define what is
"true." By romanticizing events we not only offer an alternative
interpretation to the "truth," we also challenge the ruling class
and the mass-media's claim to a monopoly on truth. We say our
interpretation of politics and history is as good as theirs and
that if you're going to believe one pack of lies you might as well
believe ours!
Lastly, like collectives, propaganda shows that anarchy can be a
part of everyday life. It's not just a theory, it is a
multifaceted, thriving, practical and just way of living your
life. Propaganda documents our culture of resistance and
legitimates it. Counter-institutions like collectives exist within
counter cultures like punk, anarchist, feminist, Queer, etc. We
can't expect the mainstream media to cover these counter cultures,
nor do we want them to. Again, we gotta do-it-ourselves. By
documenting our culture of resistance and adding a bit of spice to
it here and there, our propaganda hopefully inspires people within
and without the revolutionary anarchist movement to get active and
take control of their own lives and to realize that we can fight
the status quo and win.
III. Anarchy as Struggle
At PE we have high hopes for people and this world, but we also
try to be realistic. We don't expect everyone in the world to join
a collective. Some people just have to work by themselves, and
that's fine. More important in terms of anarchist strategy,
though, some people will actively oppose the formation of
collectives and our attempts to build a free society. This is why
we see the revolutionary anarchist process as a process of
struggle.
For us, an anarchist society will develope out of a long and
perhaps bitter struggle betweeen those who would maintain the
status quo (the ruling class, the state, cops, racists, upper and
some middle class people, etc) and those who want to overthrow it.
It will also be a struggle within the revolutionary movement
between those who want to lead the revolution (ie socialists,
Leninists, Maoists and other power mongers) and those who want the
revolution and the post-revolutionary society to be
anti-authoritarian. (We could call it the struggle between the
DIYers and the "We'll-Do-It-For-You-Or-Else"ers.) This is why
anarchy is about revolution to us, not about "evoluton."
"Evolution toward anarchy" is a crock of liberal shit. If
anything, humanity has devolved from a prehistorical state of
relative freedom and autonomy to one of serfdom and slavery.
Making the world anarchist by evolution is about as likely as
humans developing a tail, and it would probably take about as much
time to "evolve" even if it was. To change the world you have to
act on it; You have to DIY, and that means revolution.
Viewing anarchy as a struggle involves keeping collectives alive
and thriving, keeping revolutioanary ideas alive and thriving, and
not loving everyone; some people are responsible for the way this
world is run today and they must then be held accountable as much
as any abstact "(Fuck the) System" should. At PE, our anarchist
atrategy is to organize and propagandize against the powerful and
for the creation of a new world built from the bottom up by the
powerless. This requires collective forms of organization, intense
propaganda campaigns, a comittment to direct democracy and against
hierarchy, and a revolutionary demand to strip the power from the
ruling class, by force, if necessary. It also requires that we
have a lot of fun and laughs (and beers). We wouldn't have it any
other way. --edited from Free Society, Winter 1993
-30-
CONSCIOUSNESS AND COUNTERCULTURE
By Scott McRott
I am a 17 year old atheist student who sings and plays guitar in a
New York City anarchist, Punk/Ska band called No Commercial Value.
The two major events that led to my current free-thought are two
things that many kids encounter, one way or another. One was my
realization when I was 13 (right after my Bar Mitzfah) that I did
not believe in or care for one word I spoke during my Bar Mitzfah
ceremony. In fact I was saying and learning what everybody else
wanted me to say and learn. The religious "turning point" was
during my freshman year at the Bronx High School of Science, where
Biology was more than stressed. Although I failed my Bio class, I
learned a lot about evolution and scientific theory. That made me
realize that things actually could be proven to be true and not
just be written and strung together in a "testament" that made it
automatically true. This realization about religion just led to
more questioning of things taught to me and of the people teaching
them.
The second important thing that happened was at the new high
school I flunked to, a kid traded me a tape for my Ramones tape
(which I was becoming quite sick of). His tape was the Dead
Kennedy's Give Me Convenience Or Give Me Death, which made me
question authority and society in general.
This is why in NO Commercial Value we play songs about police,
religion, the government and abortion, anarchist style. I just
hope some kid hears it and likes it and actually listens to what's
going on in his or her world.
HOW THE BAND FITS IN
[Ms. Tommy Lawless interviews Scott McRott.]
T: How do you see the work you do with your band fitting into a
strategy for revolution?
S: Besides the obvious, preachy lyrics in our songs (anti-fascist,
anti-cop, anti-sexist, anti-homophobic, anti-capitalist,
anti-racist), we also try to convey our messages by using
stickers, "doctored" advertisements, and stencils. And when all is
said and someone will see or hear our work and think more
criticall about our society and the people running it.
T: You mentioned the anti-capitalist side to your music. How do
you see the DIY music scene as a whole fitting into strategy?
S: Well put it this way, if every band in the whole world all of a
sudden agreed to boycott the music industry and form DIY
collectives, the music industry would topple, along with their
greedy business practices and their censorship. Let's say a type
of music that is quickly becoming this countries most popular
music; Punk, and see how many of these bands are saying "Fuck you"
to the music industry, and staying DIY. Of course this could
easily result in the destruction of the music industry. This would
never happen because there are too many naive bands out there that
are ripe for exploiting and there are always going to be a few
bands who betray their scene and sell-out (Green-Day, Nirvana,
Flipper, etc.). But these bands can easily serve as channels to
turn people on to cooler, lesser known DIY bands. And, if instead
of going to the local mall, every kid has an Alternative Tentacles
Catalog, (alternative record labor put out by the DKs), or a
Lookout catalog, then they can experience good music first-hand
without being poisoned by the music industries corporate
Amerikkkan censorship.
T: I know you do benefits. What types of causes does your band
support?
S: So far we have yet to get payed for playing. Our first show was
at ABC No Rio (a collectively run communty center in NYC) with
Bushman, Opposition and Black Medicine, and that was a benifit for
the Native American Community house here in NYC. We recently
played a benifit at ABC No Rio with Huasipungo and Summer's Eve
for the Black Hand Collective, and another one for NYC Riot Grrrl.
We just played at a benifit for C-Squat and Glass House squat
(which is currently in danger of being evicted by the city, which
would leave about 45 people homeless).
No Commercial Value is Olivia-vocals, Scott-guitar, vocals
Alec-Bass, Mike-drums And remember: who needs friends when you
have No Commercial Value?
-30-
ZEN AND THE ART OF REVOLUTION
by Richard Van Savage and Dema Crassy
There is a Tupamaros saying "Theory = sectarianism, statement of
principles and drafting of programs = inactivity and inability to
get anything done." In many ways our movement has accomplished a
lot, and yet for all of it's ambition, one is sorely tempted to
ask why so many people have been alienated from it. Part of the
answer would seem to lie in overcoming sectarianism: not through
compromise of our revolutionary ideals, but rather through direct
action, and respect for different approaches for creating a new
society.
We as anarchists all share a common politic; we want to create a
society that is free from all types of oppression. Since we have
different visions about how to get there, it doesn't make sense
for us to sit around and argue about which is the "right" way we
all have to go. Different tendencies should work in ways they see
fit, according to their community, and their experience. Clearly,
we should talk about our ideas, and learn from one another's
mistakes. But that doesn't have to be in the framework of all
encompassing "political unity." In fact, to be effective, we have
to be doing all types of work, and trying all kinds of methods of
doing it. Respecting diversity and learning to work together
within that framework is crucial. In terms of a large scale
revolutionary situation, none of us are expecting that 2 million
people are going to have political unity. So why do we focus so
much on unity as we struggle to build our movement?
Obviously, at some point lines about where we respectively stand
on various issues will need to be drawn. That's healthy. But the
definition of politics must arise out of a need to define them.
The CNT (the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist union) had to"define"
where they stood in terms of armed struggle when some groups began
participating in it, and some groups opposed it. They needed to
define their position when determining what concrete action they
would take, noy in a void.
On another level, it is through our actions that we can unite. For
example, when there isn't much going on, we have time to squabble.
But in times of crisis we tend to focus more on what we have in
common, rather than how we're different.
So direct action, to us, means going directly to what it is we
want. That doesn't mean acting without thinking about it, but
rather, to figure out what works by actually getting our hands
dirty and doing it. Political consciousness comes out of doing
work collectively, thinking critically about it, and being
challenged. It is through the success of our actions that we lend
credibility to, and develop, our politics. To a certain extent the
means becomes the end toward which we strive.
To quote Regis Debray on the Uruguayan Tupamaros: "By establishing
a series of intermediate forms of membership and areas of
collaboration, a network of linked and interlinked activities on
all fronts of popular interest (political, electoral, trade union,
university, cultural, newspaper and so on), the Tupas have brought
to an end the fatal tradition of underestimating and
under-utilizing the classes, sectors and individuals outside the
armed organization, the mistake by which so many revolutionary
movements have contributed to their own isolation. They absolutely
reject the dichotomy between combatants and non-combatants, those
who are active and those who are passive, the subjects or objects
of the historical process, the vanguard at the top and the
undifferentiated masses below."
As a strategy, we're advocating the creation of an infrastructure,
based on collectives, that would be the foundation of an anarchist
society. This infrastructure would be the means for providing the
basic needs of self-determination in any community. Things like
food, shelter, clothing, meaningful work, health care, security
and info shops for networking are just a few of the things that
come to mind. We need to be able to point to concrete examples in
order to answer the "what if" questions that non-anarchists always
seem to ask.
The process of building an infrastructure would eliminate such
dichotomys as armed struggle vs non-violence, as the same
infrastructure would assist either, depending on the necessities
of whatever crisis we're facing. For example, solving the homeless
crisis is a form of sanctuary for the poor and in wartime could
also be a safehouse sanctuary for combatants. The same would go
for food distribution, health care and everything else.
Idealistically, there would be no need to fight, as we could
simply transform the communities in which we live. Realistically,
however those with power will fight to hold on to it, when they
realize that it's being challenged. It's naive to think we can be
successful without suffering the need for self- defense against
the state.
Security is a crucial element, not just to protect individuals in
our communities from other individuals, but to protect our
communities from the organized terror agencies of the state and
other institutions. The skills and discipline required to fight
misogynists, racists and homophobes in our communities are merely
the first steps to defending our communities from organized hate
groups. The zen aspect is that in order to overthrow the state, we
must feed the homeless. We cannot successfully feed the homeless
unless we are prepared to defend ourselves. The more successful we
are, the more prone we are to repressive measures from capitalist
food-distributors and growers and the state that protects them --
likewise for all struggles. If the state and capitalists aren't
taking repressive measures, it's probably because we aren't
effective enough yet at what it is we're doing.
The creation of any infrastructure must focus locally in small
collectives and affinity groups, yet continuously network with
other locales around general themes in order to stand any chance
of survival. To use the Paulo Fierre method, we must first see
what problems we are faced with. Next, we must analyze both
immediate causes and root causes, and finally we must act. We
mustn't allow ourselves to get bogged down in any one part of the
process. Any movement for self determination must be able to
handle the tension of respect for diversity while maintaining
political solidarity in an anti-authoritarian, undogmatic way.
-30-
ORGANIZE!
by Jacinto
Revolution, to me, is more about the development of my awareness
and potentials than the donning of a balaklava and rampaging in
the streets. The freedom I desire is the freedom to create and
exist without having to constantly fight.
I've found that my own evolution exploded as I became involved
into the Baklava Collective, and then with the Chaos Collective
loft, which together brought about an increasing commitment to
developing the skills I feel are necessary to create change.
My experience working for a not-for-profit community organizing
training center gives me a certain clarity of sight in the
discussion of revolutionary organizing strategies. Community
organizing, in its evolution over the past thirty years
especially, has become both an art and a science. The ability to
develop leadership in people through concentrated organizing has
proven to be one of the most effective methods of creating
positive change.
Community organizing has a lot to offer the discussion of
revolutionary organizing. Leadership development, the training of
organizers, the ability to move an organizing campaign through an
issue to victory and then on to the next campaign -- these are all
taking place rather haphazardly now in the anarchist scene. A lot
of it is the lack of resources (another discussion altogether),
but also time and energy constraints limit our ability to create a
viable framework within which we can learn to be effective
organizers and leaders.
The most basic element of community organizing is the development
of leaders. In a very real sense this is our semantical equivalent
of personal liberation. The potential within people, and the
expression, through experience, of these potentials is the
fundamental tenet upon which community organizers thrive.
Revolution, to me, is just another way of saying that we want a
society wherein our potentials do not lie dormant, that our
expression is limited only by our imaginations.
What do we want after all but a COMMUNITY in which we feel
accepted and free? That's what community organizing is all about
-- emphasis on local decision-making, community control over
community resources, and the health and well-being of all
community residents.
The development of collectives, like the Baklava Collective that
brought me into the whole anarchist scene, is a wonderful method
for building the structures that will hopefully bring about
positive change. But we need to be able to assist the formation of
these collectives across the country that in itself will prompt
the growth of networks like Love and Rage. Collectives organized
around projects, politics, living spaces -- all of these
contribute immensely to the sense of community so important in our
lives.
I think that the integration of community organizing and
revolutionary strategies is necessary. We can learn how to
organize and develop leaders within the anarchist scene, but in
order to get ourselves to this point we must begin the educational
process which like all others must be connected to direct
experience.
For myself, working with low-income community residents in their
struggle to create viable healthy communities, is one of the
greatest educational tools available to anarchists. By
volunteering or working for community organizations, we can be
training to organize and therefore gain those organizing skills so
indispensable to social change on the level only seen in our
visions.
The opportunity to struggle alongside low-income community
residents, and feel the urgency of their fight, has changed me in
so many ways. My vision of revolution encompasses the necessity of
experiencing and communicating with people, real everyday people,
who will be an integral part of any positive social change. As
anarchists, especially those of us who feel that organizing
autonomous communities is going to play a significant role in this
revolution of, yes, everyday life, we must be connected to the
neighborhoods in which we live and the people with whom we will
need to struggle.
Building collectives, learning to organize and lead, and
connecting ourselves to our neighborhoods and communities -- these
are the strategies for revolution that I see as essential if we
are to realize our visions.
-30-
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